Igala

in squared kilometers. “The Igala country (referred to in early reports and maps as Atagara or, sometimes, Okpoto) occupies an area of some 5,000 square miles contained within an angle formed by the junction of the Rivers Niger and Benue; it is administered by a Chief who- himself of alien (Jukun) ancestry-bears the title of Ata Gala and has his headquarters at Idah, on the Niger.” ^[1] “By the middle of the nineteenth-century, however, the Igala had become more widely Islamized and were established in their present territory.” ^[2] “Numbering about 300,000, the Igala inhabit the area of Northern Nigeria south of the Benue River and east of the Niger in an area of about 5,000 square miles in Kabba Province. On the east they are bordered by the Idoma, and on the south by the Igbo of Nsukka; because Igala Division extends southward between the Niger and Anambra rivers, the Igala border the Igbo along the Anambra as far south as Ogurugu. Consequently most of the northern and western borders of the Igbo-dominated Nsukka Division of Eastern Nigeria touch Igala country.” ^[3]

[1]: Clifford, Miles, and Richmond Palmer. “A Nigerian Chiefdom.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 66, 1936, pp. 393–435: 394. zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TF7MM698/collection

[2]: Shelton, Austin J. “Onọjọ Ogboni: Problems of Identification and Historicity in the Oral Traditions of the Igala and Northern Nsukka Igbo of Nigeria.” The Journal of American Folklore, vol. 81, no. 321, 1968, pp. 243–57: 247. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/9DXXPF2H/collection

[3]: Shelton, Austin J. “Onọjọ Ogboni: Problems of Identification and Historicity in the Oral Traditions of the Igala and Northern Nsukka Igbo of Nigeria.” The Journal of American Folklore, vol. 81, no. 321, 1968, pp. 243–57: 244. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/9DXXPF2H/collection

levels. 1) Capital/metropolis; 2) Towns; 3) Villages; the distinction between towns and villages may not be significant. “As the head of the royal clan, the king exercised authority over the greater Idah metropolis where the majority of the royal sub-clans resided. The attah also exercised some limited influence over the affairs of provincial royal sub-clans. He controlled appointments to their headships, and through this means was able to increase his area of practical reach in the kingdom. In this manner, through the royal sub-clan heads in the metropolitan and provincial areas, the palace was reckoned to have governed at least half of the total area of the Igala kingdom directly.” ^[1] “The distinction between towns and villages located in Great States and those outside them is more apparent than real. In a very real sense, the power of the court did not extend far beyond the capital and historical maps — including those in this book — which suggest blocks of territory like modern nations, where the impact of government is equally felt everywhere, are misleading. Distant towns sent tribute, which was sometimes essentially symbolic and a description of the Lunda empire in Central Africa is much more widely applicable: ‘a chain of political islands in a sea of woodlands occupied mostly by dispersed villagers recognising no overlord at all.” ^[2] “Successive chapters deal with sacred precincts, family and household religion, and village religion. The distinction between family and village religious systems is crucial to the latter part of the study, as the Igala were able to capitalize on it to enforce their control. The former deals predominantly with the arua or ancestor spirits, while the latter deals with the alusi, which are non- human spirit beings.” ^[3]

[1]: Kolapo, F. J. “Post-Abolition Niger River Commerce and the Nineteenth-Century Igala Political Crisis.” African Economic History, no. 27, 1999, pp. 45–67: 52. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AMMWZ5KT/collection

[2]: Isichei, Elizabeth. A History of African Societies to 1870. Cambridge University Press, 1997: 243. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z4GK27CI/collection

[3]: Taber, Charles R. “Review of The Igbo-Igala Borderland: Religion and Social Control in Indigenous African Colonialism.” American Anthropologist, vol. 75, no. 6, 1973, 1876–77: 1876. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/M65F6WG9/collection

levels. 1) Attah Igala (Sacred King/deity); 2) Atebo (Chief Priest); 3) Attama (shrine priests). “Of particular interest however is the fact, of which no explanation was forthcoming, that a modified form of the early morning rite is carried out by the Atebo (Chief Priest), who appeals to the ancestral spirits on behalf of the Ata-regnant. This official, to whom further reference will be made, is a person of great importance, and his office has acquired some of the element of divinity attaching to that of the Ata himself. Ape, the first to be accorded this title, was a priest in the household of Ayagba when the latter founded the Idah dynasty, and the office, which like most others is hereditary, passes in turn between the three branches of the family. Some indication of the status of the Atebo may be gained from the fact that he alone is excused obeisance to the Ata and addresses him standing up; it may however be less a question of status than of the fact that in his office and person he is representative of the religious aspect of the kingship, and contact with the earth by obeisance would mean a dissipation of dynamism. It is observed also that he is never without a cows-tail fly whisk in his hand which he " points " at the Ata when addressing him and, further, it is said that the Ata will allow the Atebo to scold him without remonstrance.” ^[1] “Successive chapters deal with sacred precincts, family and household religion, and village religion. The distinction between family and village religious systems is crucial to the latter part of the study, as the Igala were able to capitalize on it to enforce their control. The former deals predominantly with the arua or ancestor spirits, while the latter deals with the alusi, which are non-human spirit beings. The third part of the book ("Control and Adaptation") concerns the use of religious values and institutions in social control under the Igala colonial system and the resulting religious and social changes in Igbo life. From the Igala point of view, of course, social control was the crucial question. This they astutely achieved by replacing traditional Igbo shrine priests concerned with the alusi cults with Igala priests called attama. In this way, they seized control of the super- natural forces that had to do with any issues transcending one family or clan, for instance matters involving different clans in a village or village group. Since the Igala priests controlled the alusi, these became increasingly unpredictable and dangerous to the Igbo, and the Igbo were at the mercy of the Igala priests in all their relations with the alusi. From the Igbo perspective, the goal was to maintain identity and to maximize Igbo power. The strategy they used was complex. In the religious sphere, they emphasized (apparently more than in pre-conquest days) the cult of the arua, the ancestor spirits, who were by definition Igbo and whose worship enhanced the status of the Igbo headmen and elders. Parallel efforts to emphasize the worship of the High God and of the Earth Goddess, and to bring to prominence various Igbo and other non-Igala medicine shrines are judged by Shelton to have failed. In the social sphere, in the presence of a good deal of intermarriage, Igbo attempted to maintain their numerical strength by emphasizing, in the case of the children of Igala fathers and Igbo mothers, allegiance to the mother’s clan. This was, it will be evident, consistent with Igala tradition but in conflict with Igbo tradition. The Igala, who were interested in preserving the attama inheritance in pure Igala clans, pragmatically accepted the identification as Igbo of many mixed children.” ^[2]

[1]: Clifford, Miles, and Richmond Palmer. “A Nigerian Chiefdom.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 66, 1936, pp. 393–435: 418. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TF7MM698/collection

[2]: Taber, Charles R. “Review of The Igbo-Igala Borderland: Religion and Social Control in Indigenous African Colonialism.” American Anthropologist, vol. 75, no. 6, 1973, 1876–77: 1876. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/M65F6WG9/collection

levels. 1) Attah; 2) chiefs; 3) troops. “The Igala kingdom had no standing army but there was initiation preparedness where adults were initiated and weapons were amassed awaiting any eventuality. Weapons such as arrows, bows, cutlasses, spears, shields and charms were abundantly stored in the armory. In the absence of standing army, servants, attendants, slaves and a large number of local farmers were mobilized and deployed for operation during wars. In the Igala political kingdom, Attah’s chief were at the head of those local armies but in serious wars such as the one between the Igalas and Jukuns, Attah himself would lead the battle.” ^[1]

[1]: Jacob, Audu. “Pre-Colonial Political Administration in the North Central Nigeria: a Study of the Igala Political Kingdom.” European Scientific Journal, vol. 10, no. 19, 2014, pp. 392–402: 399. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5AN8R7UW/collection

levels. 1) Attah Igala (King); 2) Achadu (Chief Minister); 3) Ogbe (Chief Eunuch); 4) Atebo (Chief Priest); 5) Senior Councillors (this level seems to match the Igala Mela, under the Achadu, but not clear); 6) Eunuchs; 7) Onu (Fief holders/district officers); 8) Gago (clan leaders); 9) Fief-based Councils of Elders; 10) Omadachi (Village Headmen); 11) Headmen of each extended family/clan; 12) Ochiokolobia (youth leaders). This level of complexity seems to be roughly around the time of Ayagba’s reign, ie early 18th century. Unclear which titles existed before then, and which were added: “As time went on the office of Ata, which at the outset had been that of Priest-King, underwent a marked change, the religious aspect gaining in importance at the expense of the executive. Expansion, even before Ayagba’s death, brought with it the need for some form of decentralisation - it was not humanly possible for the Ata to treat directly with an ever increasing tale of fief-holders; the difficulty was met by the creation of a number of offices of state, ambassadors, or as they are now termed Councillorships, whose duty was to assist the Ata in the business of Government and to represent him on various missions to outlying fiefs. These offices, filled initially by sons and relatives of the first Ata, became hereditary and were, with one exception, supplied from the house of the Ata-regnant and automatically vacated at his death.” ^[1] “In their wake sprang up a host of minor "parasite " officials about the Court, each with his high-sounding title and "salutation," and these so grew in numbers and in arrogance that in course of time there was no longer access to the Ata-or even to his Councillors-save through them. The more he could be hedged about by ritual restrictions and prohibitions, the less opportunity was there for exercise of his executive functions and, as a corollary, the more profitable posts available for his needy relatives and their connections. He became in course of time (if the analogy is admissible) a Pope, and his compound a Vatican from which he was only encouraged to emerge for essential ritual performances-to which none but the chosen few had access. He had ceased to be a king and had become a cult! Other social factors which tended to isolate him from his subjects were, firstly, the Eunuchs of the household and, secondly, the Edibos. As regards the former, they and they alone were familiar with the routine of the many religious rituals which formed so vital a part of the Ata’s daily life and of which, until his accession, he was completely ignorant; details of the host of taboos surrounding his person were, again, a closed book to him and he had perforce to turn for enlightenment to the Eunuchs of his predecessor, who passed automatically into his own service. It followed, inevitably, that he was bound to them by the closest ties and that they occupied a position of ever-increasing power and influence, a position which it was to their advantage to maintain and strengthen. The most important of this fraternity (and one need scarcely add that even the Eunuchs were given titles) were:The Ogbe, Orhata, Ocheje, Elaku, Ogbala, Enunkadugbo. Of these the Ogbe became (after the Ashadu) the most powerful influence in the land- all claimants for titles passed through his hands; it was he who conducted their installation ceremonial, he who bound on their wrists the insignia of office, he who struck off the beads when an erring dignitary was deprived of his rank ; it was he, again, who swore in the Edibos to the service of the Ata. First amongst the intimates of the latter, he became almost more powerful than his master, particularly if the Ata happened to be a weak character. In addition to his many other functions he acted as " King’s remembrancer " and was the chief adviser on customary law. Of the others, each had his particular sphere of duties but they were of relatively little importance and we need not concern ourselves with them.” ^[2] “The Attah Ayegba’s district political administration was structured in the following patterns. ATTAH; DISTRICT OFFICERS (ONU;) CLAN HEADS (GAGO); VILLAGE HEADS (OMADACHI); YOUTH LEADER (OCHIOKOLOBIA).” ^[3] “The attah in his capital at Idah headed the central government with the assistance of a set of titled officials from royal and non-royal clans. Some of the hereditary royal titles rotated within the four sub-lineages of the ruling house. Other royal titles were reserved for members of royal sub-clans that lived in the provinces. These officials were attached to "fiefs" from which they collected tribute, only a portion of which went to the attah. The non-royal titles were held by the Igala Mela, the nine kingmakers who headed their respective clans, as well as by the chiefs of another set of clans. These latter chiefs were heads of what J. S. Boston called the subsidiary clans. These "combined the function of land-chief with the duty of assisting the king of the central government in some more specialized capacity." These chiefs from the subsidiary clans headed a group of about twenty clans living mainly in the riverine districts of the state, the Abokko, Agabidoko, and Omogbaje being the most influential of the group. A critical issue in the arrangement was that the duties and spheres of action of the branches of the central government counterbalanced each other. As the head of the royal clan, the king exercised authority over the greater Idah metropolis where the majority of the royal sub-clans resided. The attah also exercised some limited influence over the affairs of provincial royal sub-clans. He controlled appointments to their headships, and through this means was able to increase his area of practical reach in the kingdom. In this manner, through the royal sub-clan heads in the metropolitan and provincial areas, the palace was reckoned to have governed at least half of the total area of the Igala kingdom directly. The titled heads of royal sub-clans were "the highest administrative and judicial authorities in the areas concerned, with the right to receive tribute, settle disputes, and try all serious criminal offences that threatened the peace of the districts under their jurisdiction."" The kingmakers, however, were counterpoised to the attah. The Igala Mela controlled election to the throne and oversaw the rotation of the office among the four lineages of the ruling house. Moreover, as the body representing the indigenous landowning clans, the right to land was vested in the Igala Mela and, as such, they were considered the de facto owner of the land. The attah had no such right over land, other than as the head of his own clan and over the land that his own clan held in trust for its members. The head of the Igala Mela, the achadu, had his own official residence or palace, and like the attah, he also maintained a considerable retinue of clients, retainers, and slaves. The relationship between the rights and the offices of the attah and the Igala Mela is significant. It formalized the sovereign political supremacy of the former over the entire Igala kingdom. At the same time it limited the king’s ability to directly participate in local government. It also seems clear that the inherence of land rights in the clans rather than in the central government curtailed the extent to which the attah could directly withdraw economic surplus on the basis of the distribution of land to farmers or immigrant settlers. In this sector, the attah received revenue only in so far as the titled royal sub-clan heads were willing to share the tribute they collected from their provinces.” ^[4] “He then turned his attention to the interior which he colonised by sending forth relatives and tried followers to carve out fiefs for themselves and their heirs, granting them what was tantamount to a complete delegation of authority; other fiefs were bestowed on the elders of the more important Igala settlements referred to earlier. These fiefs became, in fact, microcosms of the Igala Chiefdom, the fief-holder (Onu) receiving a title and an official "salutation " from the Ata, together with a gift of bead bracelets which were-as they are to-day-the outward and visible sign of his authority. The office of Onu was hereditary and though invalid unless the claimant received his title from the Ata in person and at Idah, the Chief might not refuse to confer it. The Onu administered his fief through a Council of Elders and received from his people tithes of farm and sylvan produce and tributes of game; the pelts of leopards with claws intact, and the heart, were his perquisite as also were runaway slaves found within his territory. His powers were absolute except for death sentences which, with few exceptions, were referred to the Ata-he was the secular as well as the religious head, a priest-king.” ^[5] “This Gande fisherman was generously rewarded by Ayagba and was given the title of Ohemogbo which has been held ever since by his successors, the Village Headmen of Gande; not until he has been to inspect the tomb can it be finally closed.” ^[6] “In Ilesha, there are three ancient chieftaincy titles called ogbom, which are linked with the Benin forest, and are the headships of local towns; like the Igala Mela in Igala, or the Uzama in Benin, they are an institutional fossil from a time before the dynastic kingdom. They have the same associations as the secret cult: elders, metal and the earth.” ^[7] “The kingship rotates between four branches of the royal clan, and when an Attah dies, his subclan members resign their offices. Nine high officials, the Igala Mela, reflect an earlier period of small-scale government, and are the custodians of the sacred Earth shrine. To the anthropologist Boston, these traditions have no historical content: they are a mythical charter for the checks and balances of later Igala politics.” The Ashadu is an important official, but the myth makes him the descendant of a slave. The Attah’s eminence is balanced by the indignities endured by the Attah elect, who is regarded, like Ebelejonu, as the Ashadu’s wife.” ^[8] “The following day marks the close of the Egu celebrations when the Councillors make sacrifice to the shades of their respective ancestors; when, but not until this is done, the people as a whole are free to carry out their own annual rites, which are conducted by the Onus and by the headmen of each extended family.” ^[9]

[1]: Clifford, Miles, and Richmond Palmer. “A Nigerian Chiefdom.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 66, 1936, pp. 393–435: 400-401. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TF7MM698/collection

[2]: Clifford, Miles, and Richmond Palmer. “A Nigerian Chiefdom.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 66, 1936, pp. 393–435: 401-402. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TF7MM698/collection

[3]: Jacob, Audu. “Pre-Colonial Political Administration in the North Central Nigeria: a Study of the Igala Political Kingdom.” European Scientific Journal, vol. 10, no. 19, 2014, pp. 392–402: 397. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5AN8R7UW/collection

[4]: Kolapo, F. J. “Post-Abolition Niger River Commerce and the Nineteenth-Century Igala Political Crisis.” African Economic History, no. 27, 1999, pp. 45–67: 51-53. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AMMWZ5KT/collection

[5]: Clifford, Miles, and Richmond Palmer. “A Nigerian Chiefdom.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 66, 1936, pp. 393–435: 398. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TF7MM698/collection

[6]: Clifford, Miles, and Richmond Palmer. “A Nigerian Chiefdom.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 66, 1936, pp. 393–435: 430. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TF7MM698/collection

[7]: Isichei, Elizabeth. A History of African Societies to 1870. Cambridge University Press, 1997: 250. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z4GK27CI/collection

[8]: Isichei, Elizabeth. A History of African Societies to 1870. Cambridge University Press, 1997: 253. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z4GK27CI/collection

[9]: Clifford, Miles, and Richmond Palmer. “A Nigerian Chiefdom.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 66, 1936, pp. 393–435: 432. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TF7MM698/collection

“The Igala kingdom had no standing army but there was initiation preparedness where adults were initiated and weapons were amassed awaiting any eventuality. Weapons such as arrows, bows, cutlasses, spears, shields and charms were abundantly stored in the armory. In the absence of standing army, servants, attendants, slaves and a large number of local farmers were mobilized and deployed for operation during wars. In the Igala political kingdom, Attah’s chief were at the head of those local armies but in serious wars such as the one between the Igalas and Jukuns, Attah himself would lead the battle.” ^[1] “Igala (with its capital at Idah) was another major political and commercial power in the Lower Niger. Igala’s importance in the Niger trading system was based on its control of the Niger-Benue confluence. Consequently, it was the meeting-point of trade from the upper reaches of both rivers and, in the case of the Benue, this was specifically through Adda Kuddu which was its vassal. In addition, Igala had the military strength to enforce order on the Niger. In 1832, the Ata of Igala sent his gunboats to punish the Kakanda for disrupting trade; Budon was paying a tribute of one horse a year to Idah, and the Ata’s word was law at Ikiri.” ^[2]

[1]: Jacob, Audu. “Pre-Colonial Political Administration in the North Central Nigeria: a Study of the Igala Political Kingdom.” European Scientific Journal, vol. 10, no. 19, 2014, pp. 392–402: 399. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5AN8R7UW/collection

[2]: Nwaubani, Ebere. “The Political Economy of Aboh, 1830-1857.” African Economic History, no. 27, 1999, pp. 93–116: 108. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FZIM9AVA/collection

“Of particular interest however is the fact, of which no explanation was forthcoming, that a modified form of the early morning rite is carried out by the Atebo (Chief Priest), who appeals to the ancestral spirits on behalf of the Ata-regnant. This official, to whom further reference will be made, is a person of great importance, and his office has acquired some of the element of divinity attaching to that of the Ata himself. Ape, the first to be accorded this title, was a priest in the household of Ayagba when the latter founded the Idah dynasty, and the office, which like most others is hereditary, passes in turn between the three branches of the family. Some indication of the status of the Atebo may be gained from the fact that he alone is excused obeisance to the Ata and addresses him standing up; it may however be less a question of status than of the fact that in his office and person he is representative of the religious aspect of the kingship, and contact with the earth by obeisance would mean a dissipation of dynamism. It is observed also that he is never without a cows-tail fly whisk in his hand which he " points " at the Ata when addressing him and, further, it is said that the Ata will allow the Atebo to scold him without remonstrance.” ^[1] “Successive chapters deal with sacred precincts, family and household religion, and village religion. The distinction between family and village religious systems is crucial to the latter part of the study, as the Igala were able to capitalize on it to enforce their control. The former deals predominantly with the arua or ancestor spirits, while the latter deals with the alusi, which are non- human spirit beings. The third part of the book ("Control and Adaptation") concerns the use of religious values and institutions in social control under the Igala colonial system and the resulting religious and social changes in Igbo life. From the Igala point of view, of course, social control was the crucial question. This they astutely achieved by replacing traditional Igbo shrine priests concerned with the alusi cults with Igala priests called attama. In this way, they seized control of the super- natural forces that had to do with any issues transcending one family or clan, for instance matters involving different clans in a village or village group. Since the Igala priests controlled the alusi, these became increasingly unpredictable and dangerous to the Igbo, and the Igbo were at the mercy of the Igala priests in all their relations with the alusi. From the Igbo perspective, the goal was to maintain identity and to maximize Igbo power. The strategy they used was complex. In the religious sphere, they emphasized (apparently more than in pre-conquest days) the cult of the arua, the ancestor spirits, who were by definition Igbo and whose worship enhanced the status of the Igbo headmen and elders. Parallel efforts to emphasize the worship of the High God and of the Earth Goddess, and to bring to prominence various Igbo and other non-Igala medicine shrines are judged by Shelton to have failed. In the social sphere, in the presence of a good deal of intermarriage, Igbo attempted to maintain their numerical strength by emphasizing, in the case of the children of Igala fathers and Igbo mothers, allegiance to the mother’s clan. This was, it will be evident, consistent with Igala tradition but in conflict with Igbo tradition. The Igala, who were interested in preserving the attama inheritance in pure Igala clans, pragmatically accepted the identification as Igbo of many mixed children.” ^[2]

[1]: Clifford, Miles, and Richmond Palmer. “A Nigerian Chiefdom.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 66, 1936, pp. 393–435: 418. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TF7MM698/collection

[2]: Taber, Charles R. “Review of The Igbo-Igala Borderland: Religion and Social Control in Indigenous African Colonialism.” American Anthropologist, vol. 75, no. 6, 1973, 1876–77: 1876. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/M65F6WG9/collection

“The Igala kingdom had no standing army but there was initiation preparedness where adults were initiated and weapons were amassed awaiting any eventuality. Weapons such as arrows, bows, cutlasses, spears, shields and charms were abundantly stored in the armory. In the absence of standing army, servants, attendants, slaves and a large number of local farmers were mobilized and deployed for operation during wars. In the Igala political kingdom, Attah’s chief were at the head of those local armies but in serious wars such as the one between the Igalas and Jukuns, Attah himself would lead the battle.” ^[1] “Igala (with its capital at Idah) was another major political and commercial power in the Lower Niger. Igala’s importance in the Niger trading system was based on its control of the Niger-Benue confluence. Consequently, it was the meeting-point of trade from the upper reaches of both rivers and, in the case of the Benue, this was specifically through Adda Kuddu which was its vassal. In addition, Igala had the military strength to enforce order on the Niger. In 1832, the Ata of Igala sent his gunboats to punish the Kakanda for disrupting trade; Budon was paying a tribute of one horse a year to Idah, and the Ata’s word was law at Ikiri.” ^[2]

[1]: Jacob, Audu. “Pre-Colonial Political Administration in the North Central Nigeria: a Study of the Igala Political Kingdom.” European Scientific Journal, vol. 10, no. 19, 2014, pp. 392–402: 399. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5AN8R7UW/collection

[2]: Nwaubani, Ebere. “The Political Economy of Aboh, 1830-1857.” African Economic History, no. 27, 1999, pp. 93–116: 108. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FZIM9AVA/collection

“In Idah, the capital of the Igala kingdom as well as in the districts, disputes among individuals and groups were settled before family heads. Those between one family group and another were settled by heads of both group and family who sought to reach compromise for the purpose of peace and stability. In the districts, the district rulers referred to as the Onu exercised both judicial and executive powers; the village chiefs popularly called Omadachi and Gago handled divorce cases, land disputes and several other minor cases but cases of murder and treason were reserved exclusively for Attah’s attention. Attah’s court (Ogbede) was the highest court located in front of Ede market which day’s cases were heard publicly. Attah was the president of the court but because of many engagements, such power was delegated to one of the senior eunuchs called Ogbe who acted as president of the court. Ogbe acted as president of the court took final decisions on minor and non complicated cases while serious ones would be referred to the Attah for final decisions. Available records reveal that Ochalla Angna and Olimamu Attah both Islamic clerics served as court scribes (what is today known as court clerks) and records of proceedings were written and kept in Arabic. This system was and is very effective as few cases are expected to be reported to the police. Acrimony and bitterness which could arise from cases reported to the police were reduced to the barest minimum.” ^[1]

[1]: Jacob, Audu. “Pre-Colonial Political Administration in the North Central Nigeria: a Study of the Igala Political Kingdom.” European Scientific Journal, vol. 10, no. 19, 2014, pp. 392–402: 399. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5AN8R7UW/collection

“In Idah, the capital of the Igala kingdom as well as in the districts, disputes among individuals and groups were settled before family heads. Those between one family group and another were settled by heads of both group and family who sought to reach compromise for the purpose of peace and stability. In the districts, the district rulers referred to as the Onu exercised both judicial and executive powers; the village chiefs popularly called Omadachi and Gago handled divorce cases, land disputes and several other minor cases but cases of murder and treason were reserved exclusively for Attah’s attention. Attah’s court (Ogbede) was the highest court located in front of Ede market which day’s cases were heard publicly. Attah was the president of the court but because of many engagements, such power was delegated to one of the senior eunuchs called Ogbe who acted as president of the court. Ogbe acted as president of the court took final decisions on minor and non complicated cases while serious ones would be referred to the Attah for final decisions. Available records reveal that Ochalla Angna and Olimamu Attah both Islamic clerics served as court scribes (what is today known as court clerks) and records of proceedings were written and kept in Arabic. This system was and is very effective as few cases are expected to be reported to the police. Acrimony and bitterness which could arise from cases reported to the police were reduced to the barest minimum.” ^[1]

[1]: Jacob, Audu. “Pre-Colonial Political Administration in the North Central Nigeria: a Study of the Igala Political Kingdom.” European Scientific Journal, vol. 10, no. 19, 2014, pp. 392–402: 399. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5AN8R7UW/collection

Following reference indicates a lot of structure (both in physical and administrative terms) which might imply a court building, but it’s not 100% clear: “In Idah, the capital of the Igala kingdom as well as in the districts, disputes among individuals and groups were settled before family heads. Those between one family group and another were settled by heads of both group and family who sought to reach compromise for the purpose of peace and stability. In the districts, the district rulers referred to as the Onu exercised both judicial and executive powers; the village chiefs popularly called Omadachi and Gago handled divorce cases, land disputes and several other minor cases but cases of murder and treason were reserved exclusively for Attah’s attention. Attah’s court (Ogbede) was the highest court located in front of Ede market which day’s cases were heard publicly. Attah was the president of the court but because of many engagements, such power was delegated to one of the senior eunuchs called Ogbe who acted as president of the court. Ogbe acted as president of the court took final decisions on minor and non complicated cases while serious ones would be referred to the Attah for final decisions. Available records reveal that Ochalla Angna and Olimamu Attah both Islamic clerics served as court scribes (what is today known as court clerks) and records of proceedings were written and kept in Arabic. This system was and is very effective as few cases are expected to be reported to the police. Acrimony and bitterness which could arise from cases reported to the police were reduced to the barest minimum.” ^[1]

[1]: Jacob, Audu. “Pre-Colonial Political Administration in the North Central Nigeria: a Study of the Igala Political Kingdom.” European Scientific Journal, vol. 10, no. 19, 2014, pp. 392–402: 399. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5AN8R7UW/collection

“In later times the wives of an Ata represented a very material part of his prosperity, for they traded extensively, and due to their position exercised a virtual monopoly in the Idah markets; to some extent this is still the case.” ^[1] “The big markets (such as "Igala Bank" and "Ikiri") were not for the poor: it required a huge capital investment to acquire the trade goods, buy and fit out the canoes, employ those who would run the canoes, and provide armed escort for the canoes. Besides, a trader invariably retained agents in the markets he/ she attended. In the particular case of Aboh, there were other restraining factors: traders were required to pay taxes before they could transact any business in export commodities. As a result, the long distance trade from Aboh to Idah or Ikiri, or from Igala to Aboh was, according to Oguagha, ‘limited to wealthy chiefs and rulers. The more common trade was a journey to one of the river bank markets or the boundary market opposite Asaba.’” ^[2] “Attah’s court (Ogbede) was the highest court located in front of Ede market which day’s cases were heard publicly. Attah was the president of the court but because of many engagements, such power was delegated to one of the senior eunuchs called Ogbe who acted as president of the court.” ^[3]

[1]: Clifford, Miles, and Richmond Palmer. “A Nigerian Chiefdom.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 66, 1936, pp. 393–435: 412. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TF7MM698/collection

[2]: Nwaubani, Ebere. “The Political Economy of Aboh, 1830-1857.” African Economic History, no. 27, 1999, pp. 93–116: 97. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FZIM9AVA/collection

[3]: Jacob, Audu. “Pre-Colonial Political Administration in the North Central Nigeria: a Study of the Igala Political Kingdom.” European Scientific Journal, vol. 10, no. 19, 2014, pp. 392–402: 399. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5AN8R7UW/collection

Markets. “In later times the wives of an Ata represented a very material part of his prosperity, for they traded extensively, and due to their position exercised a virtual monopoly in the Idah markets; to some extent this is still the case.” ^[1] “The big markets (such as "Igala Bank" and "Ikiri") were not for the poor: it required a huge capital investment to acquire the trade goods, buy and fit out the canoes, employ those who would run the canoes, and provide armed escort for the canoes. Besides, a trader invariably retained agents in the markets he/ she attended. In the particular case of Aboh, there were other restraining factors: traders were required to pay taxes before they could transact any business in export commodities. As a result, the long distance trade from Aboh to Idah or Ikiri, or from Igala to Aboh was, according to Oguagha, ‘limited to wealthy chiefs and rulers. The more common trade was a journey to one of the river bank markets or the boundary market opposite Asaba.’” ^[2] “Attah’s court (Ogbede) was the highest court located in front of Ede market which day’s cases were heard publicly. Attah was the president of the court but because of many engagements, such power was delegated to one of the senior eunuchs called Ogbe who acted as president of the court.” ^[3]

[1]: Clifford, Miles, and Richmond Palmer. “A Nigerian Chiefdom.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 66, 1936, pp. 393–435: 412. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TF7MM698/collection

[2]: Nwaubani, Ebere. “The Political Economy of Aboh, 1830-1857.” African Economic History, no. 27, 1999, pp. 93–116: 97. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FZIM9AVA/collection

[3]: Jacob, Audu. “Pre-Colonial Political Administration in the North Central Nigeria: a Study of the Igala Political Kingdom.” European Scientific Journal, vol. 10, no. 19, 2014, pp. 392–402: 399. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5AN8R7UW/collection

“Well before the nineteenth century, the Lower Niger was a very busy commercial waterway. It is clear that in the period 1800-44, Aboh and Idah (the capital of the Igala kingdom, situated east of the Niger-Benue confluence further north), controlled much of this trading system. Not only were Aboh and Idah "the hubs of the inland trade routes, storage depots, and the home ports of the major traders," it appears that they also controlled the largest number of canoes on the river.” ^[1]

[1]: Nwaubani, Ebere. “The Political Economy of Aboh, 1830-1857.” African Economic History, no. 27, 1999, pp. 93–116: 93. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FZIM9AVA/collection

“Communion with the Ancestors. The Ata now leaves the Ashadu’s compound for good, and proceeds via Egbe, where the Ashadus are buried (he halts there to make a propitiatory sacrifice), to the royal necropolis at Ajaina and presents himself at the house of the Ugwalla (the Keeper of the Tombs) where he remains in close seclusion for eight days. During this period he is shown the graves of his predecessors and is supposed to be in communion with their spirits. On the eighth evening the Ugwalla presents him with a garment made in the form of a child’s shirt and he proceeds that same night to Ofoloko (" the birthplace ") where he is joined by the senior wife of the late Ata before whom he must display his nakedness and with whom he must co-habit that night.” ^[1]

[1]: Clifford, Miles, and Richmond Palmer. “A Nigerian Chiefdom.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 66, 1936, pp. 393–435: 422. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TF7MM698/collection

“Available records reveal that Ochalla Angna and Olimamu Attah both [had] Islamic clerics served as court scribes (what is today known as court clerks) and records of proceedings were written and kept in Arabic.” ^[1]

[1]: Jacob, Audu. “Pre-Colonial Political Administration in the North Central Nigeria: a Study of the Igala Political Kingdom.” European Scientific Journal, vol. 10, no. 19, 2014, pp. 392–402: 399. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5AN8R7UW/collection

“Available records reveal that Ochalla Angna and Olimamu Attah both [had] Islamic clerics served as court scribes (what is today known as court clerks) and records of proceedings were written and kept in Arabic.” ^[1]

[1]: Jacob, Audu. “Pre-Colonial Political Administration in the North Central Nigeria: a Study of the Igala Political Kingdom.” European Scientific Journal, vol. 10, no. 19, 2014, pp. 392–402: 399. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5AN8R7UW/collection

“Cowries were second to salt in importance as a currency in the Lower Niger. Ogedengbe estimates that they were introduced from the coast into the Niger valley in the 1820s, and that, by the 1830s, "cowries had become well established as the major currency of the Niger Valley." He observes that cowries did not serve as a medium of exchange in the delta states: they merely "accepted [them] as commodities from the Europeans, reselling [them] in the hinterlands as valuable currency."38 The Lower Niger trade involved traders of different ethnic and therefore linguistic backgrounds. In the main, there were the Ijo of the Niger delta, the Igbo, the Edo, the Igala, and the Hausa. In spite of this diversity, the traders seem to have had little difficulty in communicating and doing business with one another. According to the European testimonies, Hausa was the language of business in the Lower Niger. But of greater importance was the ability of the traders to develop proficiency in several languages.” ^[1]

[1]: Nwaubani, Ebere. “The Political Economy of Aboh, 1830-1857.” African Economic History, no. 27, 1999, pp. 93–116: 98. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FZIM9AVA/collection

“One important trade item in this regional trade which was peddled over long distances was salt. Some of the salt imported into Igboland from the Delta area was transported further north into Igala country. Another important source of salt for the Igbo and the Igala was the salt-lake at Uburu in the north-eastern part of Igboland, a situation which ensured its prominence as a trade centre in Northern Igboland. The Igala also procured salt from the Jukun Kingdom to the north-east through the river Benue. This valuable salt trade was monopolised by the Ewo clan of the Igala kingdom. Beads constituted important luxury items in the regional trade, and it is significant that some of the beads unearthed at Igbo-Ukwu were of local origin. In more recent times, the Igala country has been a major source of the supply of a variety of beads to the Igbo people, and it is probable that this trade had existed for a long time.” ^[1]

[1]: OGUAGHA, P. A. “THE IMPACT OF EUROPEAN TRADE ON IGBO-IGALA COMMERCIAL RELATIONS IN THE LOWER NIGER C. 1650-1850 A.D.” Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, vol. 11, no. 3/4, 1982, 11–27: 12. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/38SQNCRA/collection

“OKPATA or OKPOLU: The Ata’s personal Treasury-and repository. Aku, the principal acolyte, is responsible for the safe-custody of the Ata’s money and possessions which are lodged herein; here also the regalia would be kept.” ^[1]

[1]: Clifford, Miles, and Richmond Palmer. “A Nigerian Chiefdom.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 66, 1936, pp. 393–435: 414. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TF7MM698/collection