No General Descriptions provided.
| 33 P |
| Kanem |
| Manan | 800 CE 1080 CE |
| Jimi | 1081 CE 1299 CE |
| Jaja | 1300 CE 1379 CE |
| Kanim |
| Bornu Empire |
| unknown |
| UNCLEAR: [unknown] | |
| Succeeding: Kanem-Borno (ni_bornu_emp) [population migration] |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| unknown |
| Year Range | Kanem (cd_kanem) was in: |
|---|
Dates are tentative and approximative, and based on the following quote(s). "Manan, Jimi, and Jaja are mentioned as the successive capitals of the early Kanem-Borno empire before its shift to the location west of Lake Chad. The pre-Islamic capital of Manan should, according to the reconstructed map, be located well to the north of the lake.[...] The case of Jimi, the twelfth- and thirteenth-century capital, is equally unsolved. [...] The place to which the Sayfuwa fled after the abandonment of their homeland in Kanem is called Jaja in Ibn Said’s text." [1] Because it is described as the "pre-Islamic" capital, we are inferring Manin to have been the capital roughly from the start of the polity’s existence to "the adoption of Islam by the Kanembu rulers ca. A.D. 1080s", [2] . Jimi is estimated here to have been the capital until around 1300 due to the following quote: "The Arab historian Ibn Khaldun described a caravan with gifts arriving at Tunis in 1257 from ’the king of Kanem . . . ruler of Barnu’ (Levtzion and Hopkins 1981: 337). It is from then on that the toponym ’Borno’ appears in the text sources. This land of Borno would be of essential importance to the history of the empire since, shortly after Ibn Khaldun wrote his text, a long lingering conflict between the Sayfuwa and a neighboring nomadic ethnic group, the Bulala, broke out. This led to the collapse of the first Sayfuwa state and the abandonment of Kanem (Barth 1857-59 II: 33). The court left the old capital and migrated to a place variously called Jaja or Kaka, where a new political center was established. This Jaja/Kaka was situated in the land of Borno (Barkindo 1985: 240; Lange, 1993: 272). It seems, however, that on-going conflicts with the local population led to an abandonment of Jaja/Kaka and the Kanem-Borno mais were forced to move their seat frequently (Barkindo 1985: 245)." [3] As for Jaja, the last quote suggests it was the capital for at least part of the fourteenth century, but it is unclear for how long
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-106
[2]: (Ogundiran 2005: 144)
[3]: (Gronenborn 2002: 103)
Dates are tentative and approximative, and based on the following quote(s). "Manan, Jimi, and Jaja are mentioned as the successive capitals of the early Kanem-Borno empire before its shift to the location west of Lake Chad. The pre-Islamic capital of Manan should, according to the reconstructed map, be located well to the north of the lake.[...] The case of Jimi, the twelfth- and thirteenth-century capital, is equally unsolved. [...] The place to which the Sayfuwa fled after the abandonment of their homeland in Kanem is called Jaja in Ibn Said’s text." [1] Because it is described as the "pre-Islamic" capital, we are inferring Manin to have been the capital roughly from the start of the polity’s existence to "the adoption of Islam by the Kanembu rulers ca. A.D. 1080s", [2] . Jimi is estimated here to have been the capital until around 1300 due to the following quote: "The Arab historian Ibn Khaldun described a caravan with gifts arriving at Tunis in 1257 from ’the king of Kanem . . . ruler of Barnu’ (Levtzion and Hopkins 1981: 337). It is from then on that the toponym ’Borno’ appears in the text sources. This land of Borno would be of essential importance to the history of the empire since, shortly after Ibn Khaldun wrote his text, a long lingering conflict between the Sayfuwa and a neighboring nomadic ethnic group, the Bulala, broke out. This led to the collapse of the first Sayfuwa state and the abandonment of Kanem (Barth 1857-59 II: 33). The court left the old capital and migrated to a place variously called Jaja or Kaka, where a new political center was established. This Jaja/Kaka was situated in the land of Borno (Barkindo 1985: 240; Lange, 1993: 272). It seems, however, that on-going conflicts with the local population led to an abandonment of Jaja/Kaka and the Kanem-Borno mais were forced to move their seat frequently (Barkindo 1985: 245)." [3] As for Jaja, the last quote suggests it was the capital for at least part of the fourteenth century, but it is unclear for how long
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-106
[2]: (Ogundiran 2005: 144)
[3]: (Gronenborn 2002: 103)
Dates are tentative and approximative, and based on the following quote(s). "Manan, Jimi, and Jaja are mentioned as the successive capitals of the early Kanem-Borno empire before its shift to the location west of Lake Chad. The pre-Islamic capital of Manan should, according to the reconstructed map, be located well to the north of the lake.[...] The case of Jimi, the twelfth- and thirteenth-century capital, is equally unsolved. [...] The place to which the Sayfuwa fled after the abandonment of their homeland in Kanem is called Jaja in Ibn Said’s text." [1] Because it is described as the "pre-Islamic" capital, we are inferring Manin to have been the capital roughly from the start of the polity’s existence to "the adoption of Islam by the Kanembu rulers ca. A.D. 1080s", [2] . Jimi is estimated here to have been the capital until around 1300 due to the following quote: "The Arab historian Ibn Khaldun described a caravan with gifts arriving at Tunis in 1257 from ’the king of Kanem . . . ruler of Barnu’ (Levtzion and Hopkins 1981: 337). It is from then on that the toponym ’Borno’ appears in the text sources. This land of Borno would be of essential importance to the history of the empire since, shortly after Ibn Khaldun wrote his text, a long lingering conflict between the Sayfuwa and a neighboring nomadic ethnic group, the Bulala, broke out. This led to the collapse of the first Sayfuwa state and the abandonment of Kanem (Barth 1857-59 II: 33). The court left the old capital and migrated to a place variously called Jaja or Kaka, where a new political center was established. This Jaja/Kaka was situated in the land of Borno (Barkindo 1985: 240; Lange, 1993: 272). It seems, however, that on-going conflicts with the local population led to an abandonment of Jaja/Kaka and the Kanem-Borno mais were forced to move their seat frequently (Barkindo 1985: 245)." [3] As for Jaja, the last quote suggests it was the capital for at least part of the fourteenth century, but it is unclear for how long
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-106
[2]: (Ogundiran 2005: 144)
[3]: (Gronenborn 2002: 103)
Between conversion to Islam and the crisis that began in the thirteenth century. "After the eleventh century the Sayfuwa [dynasty] began to incorporate Islamic principles into their political system, and soon afterward territorial expansion into areas north and west began. [...] By the thirteenth century the political and territorial influence of the rulers of Kanem had expanded. The Arab historian Ibn Khaldun described a caravan with gifts arriving at Tunis in 1257 from ’the king of Kanem . . . ruler of Barnu’ (Levtzion and Hopkins 1981: 337). It is from then on that the toponym ’Borno’ appears in the text sources. This land of Borno would be of essential importance to the history of the empire since, shortly after Ibn Khaldun wrote his text, a long lingering conflict between the Sayfuwa and a neighboring nomadic ethnic group, the Bulala, broke out. This led to the collapse of the first Sayfuwa state and the abandonment of Kanem (Barth 1857-59 II: 33). The court left the old capital and migrated to a place variously called Jaja or Kaka, where a new political center was established. This Jaja/Kaka was situated in the land of Borno (Barkindo 1985: 240; Lange, 1993: 272). It seems, however, that on-going conflicts with the local population led to an abandonment of Jaja/Kaka and the Kanem-Borno mais were forced to move their seat frequently (Barkindo 1985: 245)." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 103)
"For now, the Arabic and oral sources only paint in broad strokes the political dynamics of the rise of Kanem polity as the dominant power in the Chad Basin ca. A.D. 800. The tentative scenario is that the struggle over the control of prime land and northward trade routes among the small polities and groups in Zaghawa, a region between modern Chad Republic and sudanic savanna, intensified in the eighth century in the northern Chad Basin. Out of these peer-polity competitions arose a single powerful state of the Kanembu between the ninth and eleventh centuries (Ehret, 2003, p. 48). [...] The southward relocation of the capital of the troubled and aging Kanembu polity to Birni Gazargamo in 1472 transformed Bornu into the center of imperial activities in the basin. Between ca. 1500 and 1900, Bornu’s imperial interests reshaped sociopolitical dynamics throughout the Chad Basin." [1]
[1]: (Ogundiran 2005: 144)
"Research into the first millennium A.D. shows that iron-bearing settlement mounds, representing villages, rapidly increased in the valleys of River Niger and its tributaries (e.g., Yelwa and Wushishi), southern Hausaland, and the plains of the Chad Basin after the sixth century A.D. (Connah, 1981, pp. 201–213; Shaw, 1976; Sutton, 1976). [...] How these site hierarchies culminated in the rise of Kanem, the oldest known state in the central sudan and well referenced in the Arabic writings, is not yet understood." [1]
[1]: (Ogundiran 2005: 144)
"Research into the first millennium A.D. shows that iron-bearing settlement mounds, representing villages, rapidly increased in the valleys of River Niger and its tributaries (e.g., Yelwa and Wushishi), southern Hausaland, and the plains of the Chad Basin after the sixth century A.D. (Connah, 1981, pp. 201–213; Shaw, 1976; Sutton, 1976). [...] How these site hierarchies culminated in the rise of Kanem, the oldest known state in the central sudan and well referenced in the Arabic writings, is not yet understood." [1]
[1]: (Ogundiran 2005: 144)
(Relationship): “Kanem was a state to the north-east of Lake Chad whose ruling dynasty, the Seyfawa, abandoned their homeland for ‘Kaga’, the clay plains of Borno, in the fourteenth century. Ancient Ghana, Mali and Songhai have long since disappeared, but Kanem’s successor state, Borno, survived until the beginning of colonial rule. The Seyfawa ruled until the early nineteenth century, one of the longest surviving dynasties in world history.”
[1]
, “Kanem was a state to the north-east of Lake Chad whose ruling dynasty, the Seyfawa, abandoned their homeland for ‘Kaga’, the clay plains of Borno, in the fourteenth century. Ancient Ghana, Mali and Songhai have long since disappeared, but Kanem’s successor state, Borno, survived until the beginning of colonial rule. The Seyfawa ruled until the early nineteenth century, one of the longest surviving dynasties in world history.”
[1]
(Entity): “Kanem was a state to the north-east of Lake Chad whose ruling dynasty, the Seyfawa, abandoned their homeland for ‘Kaga’, the clay plains of Borno, in the fourteenth century.”
[1]
[1]: Isichei, E. (1997). A History of African Societies to 1870. Cambridge University Press: 230. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z4GK27CI/collection
"Arab writers mention various ethnic groups for the northern Chad Basin, some of which had developed hierarchically structured societies with aspects of divine kingship. Such can be taken from the work of the antiquarian Yaqut, dating to 1229. Although writing at the beginning of the thirteenth century he made use of earlier accounts. His narration probably reflects the situation of the tenth century, when he states: Their houses are all reed huts as is also the palace of their king, whom they exalt and worship instead of Allah. They imagine that he does not eat any food . . . He has unlimited authority over his subjects and he enslaves from among them anyone he wants . . . Their religion is the worship of their kings, for they believe that they bring life and death, sickness and health. (Yaqut in Levtzion and Hopkins 1981: 171)" [1] "[T]he adoption of Islam by the Kanembu rulers ca. A.D. 1080s (Lavers, 1980) implies that the kinds of durable sculptures that were associated with the royal court art in Igbo-Ukwu and Ile-Ife during the same period (see below) are not likely to have existed." [2]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 103
[2]: (Ogundiran 2005: 144)
"Arab writers mention various ethnic groups for the northern Chad Basin, some of which had developed hierarchically structured societies with aspects of divine kingship. Such can be taken from the work of the antiquarian Yaqut, dating to 1229. Although writing at the beginning of the thirteenth century he made use of earlier accounts. His narration probably reflects the situation of the tenth century, when he states: Their houses are all reed huts as is also the palace of their king, whom they exalt and worship instead of Allah. They imagine that he does not eat any food . . . He has unlimited authority over his subjects and he enslaves from among them anyone he wants . . . Their religion is the worship of their kings, for they believe that they bring life and death, sickness and health. (Yaqut in Levtzion and Hopkins 1981: 171)" [1] "[T]he adoption of Islam by the Kanembu rulers ca. A.D. 1080s (Lavers, 1980) implies that the kinds of durable sculptures that were associated with the royal court art in Igbo-Ukwu and Ile-Ife during the same period (see below) are not likely to have existed." [2]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 103
[2]: (Ogundiran 2005: 144)
inhabitants. The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to estimate settlement populations. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
levels. The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer the settlement hierarchy. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most building types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most building types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most building types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most building types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most building types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most building types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most building types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most building types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most building types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most building types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most building types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most building types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most building types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most building types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most site types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most site types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most site types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most site types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110)
Inferred from reference to "internal scripts" in the following quote. "Historical information on those emerging years of the empire is dim and has to be carefully extracted from the accounts of Arab writers (Levtzion and Hopkins 1981), the scanty internal evidence in the Kanem-Borno king lists (Lange 1977), and the few fragments of internal scripts that have been recorded by the German traveler Heinrich Barth (1857-59; Lange 1987) and the British colonial officer Richmond Palmer (1967; 1970)." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 103)
Inferred from reference to "internal scripts" in the following quote. "Historical information on those emerging years of the empire is dim and has to be carefully extracted from the accounts of Arab writers (Levtzion and Hopkins 1981), the scanty internal evidence in the Kanem-Borno king lists (Lange 1977), and the few fragments of internal scripts that have been recorded by the German traveler Heinrich Barth (1857-59; Lange 1987) and the British colonial officer Richmond Palmer (1967; 1970)." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 103)
The following quote suggests that this era has left behind few written texts. "Historical information on those emerging years of the empire is dim and has to be carefully extracted from the accounts of Arab writers (Levtzion and Hopkins 1981), the scanty internal evidence in the Kanem-Borno king lists (Lange 1977), and the few fragments of internal scripts that have been recorded by the German traveler Heinrich Barth (1857-59; Lange 1987) and the British colonial officer Richmond Palmer (1967; 1970)." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 103)
The following quote suggests that this era has left behind few written texts. "Historical information on those emerging years of the empire is dim and has to be carefully extracted from the accounts of Arab writers (Levtzion and Hopkins 1981), the scanty internal evidence in the Kanem-Borno king lists (Lange 1977), and the few fragments of internal scripts that have been recorded by the German traveler Heinrich Barth (1857-59; Lange 1987) and the British colonial officer Richmond Palmer (1967; 1970)." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 103)
The following quote suggests that this era has left behind few written texts. "Historical information on those emerging years of the empire is dim and has to be carefully extracted from the accounts of Arab writers (Levtzion and Hopkins 1981), the scanty internal evidence in the Kanem-Borno king lists (Lange 1977), and the few fragments of internal scripts that have been recorded by the German traveler Heinrich Barth (1857-59; Lange 1987) and the British colonial officer Richmond Palmer (1967; 1970)." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 103)
The following quote suggests that this era has left behind few written texts. "Historical information on those emerging years of the empire is dim and has to be carefully extracted from the accounts of Arab writers (Levtzion and Hopkins 1981), the scanty internal evidence in the Kanem-Borno king lists (Lange 1977), and the few fragments of internal scripts that have been recorded by the German traveler Heinrich Barth (1857-59; Lange 1987) and the British colonial officer Richmond Palmer (1967; 1970)." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 103)
The following quote suggests that this era has left behind few written texts. "Historical information on those emerging years of the empire is dim and has to be carefully extracted from the accounts of Arab writers (Levtzion and Hopkins 1981), the scanty internal evidence in the Kanem-Borno king lists (Lange 1977), and the few fragments of internal scripts that have been recorded by the German traveler Heinrich Barth (1857-59; Lange 1987) and the British colonial officer Richmond Palmer (1967; 1970)." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 103)
The following quote suggests that this era has left behind few written texts. "Historical information on those emerging years of the empire is dim and has to be carefully extracted from the accounts of Arab writers (Levtzion and Hopkins 1981), the scanty internal evidence in the Kanem-Borno king lists (Lange 1977), and the few fragments of internal scripts that have been recorded by the German traveler Heinrich Barth (1857-59; Lange 1987) and the British colonial officer Richmond Palmer (1967; 1970)." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 103)
The following quote suggests that this era has left behind few written texts. "Historical information on those emerging years of the empire is dim and has to be carefully extracted from the accounts of Arab writers (Levtzion and Hopkins 1981), the scanty internal evidence in the Kanem-Borno king lists (Lange 1977), and the few fragments of internal scripts that have been recorded by the German traveler Heinrich Barth (1857-59; Lange 1987) and the British colonial officer Richmond Palmer (1967; 1970)." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 103)
The following quote suggests that this era has left behind few written texts. "Historical information on those emerging years of the empire is dim and has to be carefully extracted from the accounts of Arab writers (Levtzion and Hopkins 1981), the scanty internal evidence in the Kanem-Borno king lists (Lange 1977), and the few fragments of internal scripts that have been recorded by the German traveler Heinrich Barth (1857-59; Lange 1987) and the British colonial officer Richmond Palmer (1967; 1970)." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 103)
The following quote suggests that this era has left behind few written texts. "Historical information on those emerging years of the empire is dim and has to be carefully extracted from the accounts of Arab writers (Levtzion and Hopkins 1981), the scanty internal evidence in the Kanem-Borno king lists (Lange 1977), and the few fragments of internal scripts that have been recorded by the German traveler Heinrich Barth (1857-59; Lange 1987) and the British colonial officer Richmond Palmer (1967; 1970)." [1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 103)