Tairona

Inhabitants. Pueblito: [3000-5000] Ciudad Perdida: [2500-3000]
Information from Langebaek 2005 ^[1]  :
PUEBLITO. Reichel-Dolmatoff and Groot estimate the number of dwellings of Pueblito at about 1000. Murdy estimates the number of dwellings at 500-1000 and the population between 3000 and 5000 inhabitants. Engel had estimated the number of inhabitants at 1000. Wynn estimated a population ranging between 4500 and 5000.
CIUDAD PERDIDA. Wilson estimated the population at 7200 but using an arbitrary number of inhabitants by ha. Castaño estimated it at 3000 inhabitants. Rodriguez: between 1400-3000. Rodriguez and Botero: Alto Buritaca and Nulicuandecue would have had 8000 people at 66 people per ha, and Ciudad Perdida 1716 inhabitants. Serje estimated 1500 people.
Population estimate for Pueblito: "By AD 1000-1100, the Neguanje village was a tight cluster of residences organized around the major streams, and reached a size of approximately five hectares. If one takes into account the outlying residences, though it is still not clear if we can consider them to be part of the village or not, the area increases to about ten hectares. Despite these reservations, it seems likely that people living some distance from the main settlement cluster had some sort of relationship with the villagers, regardless of whether these residential units may or may not be considered a part of it. How fast or how slowly did the village expand at this point in time? This question cannot be answered by way of the data recovered through the shovel tests, but I will certainly address it in the next chapter, since excavations in the core area allowed us to gain a better sense of the speed and tempo of expansion during this early period. Population densities for the Neguanje village were very probably less than the 31.8 people per hectare estimated for the Tairona period, but the tight clustering and artifact densities suggest that at its peak the village population was between 100 and 160 inhabitants. If we add in the outlying residential clusters, the population might have feasibly reached 180 to 200 inhabitants. In comparison to the population figures estimated for Pueblito during the Tairona period, the demographic difference is profound and shows a dramatic increase in population." ^[2] It seems that between 1100 and abandonment in the 16th century there was substantial population growth, so it is not possible to assess the population between 1100 and 1350 CE.At 1200 and 1300 CE: the population number has been given a range between the range for 1100CE and that for 1500 CE.
"Fast forward next to 1975. Archaeologists Luisa Fernanda Herrera and Gilberto Cadavid have almost completed a large survey of the northern and western sides of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, locating and documenting two hundred and eleven sites with similar characteristics, ranging from a few terraces and circular buildings, stone paths and stairways to very large towns like Pueblito surpassing one hundred hectares. Site 200 found in this survey, or Buritaca 200, as it was then called, is Ciudad Perdida, the “Lost City”, comprising more than 30 hectares of stone masonry terracing, circular and oblong buildings, stairways, and flag-stoned paths and sidewalks." ^[3] Pueblito was probably bigger than Ciudad Perdida for the NGA area, even though Ciudad Perdida was the biggest settlement in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta.
"In a town such as Ciudad Perdida that by A.D. 1500 would have had 2500 to 3000 inhabitants, everyone would have been on view to everyone all the time as they moved about or worked in the open spaces and patios." ^[4]
In the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta: "The largest of the sites is Ciudad Perdida, built between 1,100-1,200 masl. The temperature is stable year-round with minor fluctuations between a maximum of 26 C during the day and a minimum of 16.5 C at night. The annual precipitation is approximately 4,000 mm. This carefully planned “city” is strategically located to dominate the Buritaca River Valley (for a discussion on Tairona urbanism see Aprile-Gniset 1991: 33-113). It has 120 residential terraces, each with one or more circular house platforms of fine stone masonry where a large circular building formerly stood. These terraces are interconnected by a complex web of flagstone stairs and pathways (Figure 22.14). Everything is linked by a simple systems of water drainage with channels designed to control water force as it ran down the steep slopes. Water runs slowly along the stone walls next to stairs and pathways to end in streams that dissect the site. In this way the Tairona controlled erosion, one of the major problems typically arising in steeply inclined environments (Serje de la Ossa 1984). If we suppose that a terrace (Figure 22.14b) represents one family unit, in contrast to the traditional western assumption that each circular house platform equals a family unit, then we can estimate that this site probably had a population of between 400-600 persons living in an area of 18 ha." ^[5]
"The lower portions of the Sierra Nevada, 360-500 m (1,181-1,650 ft) above sea level, were first occupied in the sixth and seventh centuries and the higher zones several centuries later. One of the largest of these late settlements is the site Ciudad Perdida (figure 10.18) Ciudad Perdida—also known as Teyuna and Buritaca 200—is a large set of terraces, circular dwellings, tombs, and plazas built on a web of ridges above the Rio Buritaca. The site covers about 30 ha (74 acres) and was discovered by looters in the mid-1970s. With more than 100 residential terraces, population may have been 2,000-8,000 people." ^[6]
"By the 16th century, we estimate that Teyuna might have had a population between fifteen hundred and two thousand people. If we add to this the popula- tion estimates for the surrounding settlements, approximately ten thousand people were living in this area alone at this time. Bear in mind that these are very conservative estimates, since precise demographics for pre-Hispanic populations are incredibly difficult to calculate." ^[7]

[1]: (Langebaek 2005, 25-7)

[2]: (Giraldo 2010, 110-111)

[3]: (Giraldo 2010, 22-23)

[4]: (Giraldo 2014)

[5]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 2008, 419-423)

[6]: (Moore 2014, 395)

[7]: (Giraldo 2009, 25)

Inhabitants. Pueblito: [3000-5000] Ciudad Perdida: [2500-3000]
Information from Langebaek 2005 ^[1]  :
PUEBLITO. Reichel-Dolmatoff and Groot estimate the number of dwellings of Pueblito at about 1000. Murdy estimates the number of dwellings at 500-1000 and the population between 3000 and 5000 inhabitants. Engel had estimated the number of inhabitants at 1000. Wynn estimated a population ranging between 4500 and 5000.
CIUDAD PERDIDA. Wilson estimated the population at 7200 but using an arbitrary number of inhabitants by ha. Castaño estimated it at 3000 inhabitants. Rodriguez: between 1400-3000. Rodriguez and Botero: Alto Buritaca and Nulicuandecue would have had 8000 people at 66 people per ha, and Ciudad Perdida 1716 inhabitants. Serje estimated 1500 people.
Population estimate for Pueblito: "By AD 1000-1100, the Neguanje village was a tight cluster of residences organized around the major streams, and reached a size of approximately five hectares. If one takes into account the outlying residences, though it is still not clear if we can consider them to be part of the village or not, the area increases to about ten hectares. Despite these reservations, it seems likely that people living some distance from the main settlement cluster had some sort of relationship with the villagers, regardless of whether these residential units may or may not be considered a part of it. How fast or how slowly did the village expand at this point in time? This question cannot be answered by way of the data recovered through the shovel tests, but I will certainly address it in the next chapter, since excavations in the core area allowed us to gain a better sense of the speed and tempo of expansion during this early period. Population densities for the Neguanje village were very probably less than the 31.8 people per hectare estimated for the Tairona period, but the tight clustering and artifact densities suggest that at its peak the village population was between 100 and 160 inhabitants. If we add in the outlying residential clusters, the population might have feasibly reached 180 to 200 inhabitants. In comparison to the population figures estimated for Pueblito during the Tairona period, the demographic difference is profound and shows a dramatic increase in population." ^[2] It seems that between 1100 and abandonment in the 16th century there was substantial population growth, so it is not possible to assess the population between 1100 and 1350 CE.At 1200 and 1300 CE: the population number has been given a range between the range for 1100CE and that for 1500 CE.
"Fast forward next to 1975. Archaeologists Luisa Fernanda Herrera and Gilberto Cadavid have almost completed a large survey of the northern and western sides of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, locating and documenting two hundred and eleven sites with similar characteristics, ranging from a few terraces and circular buildings, stone paths and stairways to very large towns like Pueblito surpassing one hundred hectares. Site 200 found in this survey, or Buritaca 200, as it was then called, is Ciudad Perdida, the “Lost City”, comprising more than 30 hectares of stone masonry terracing, circular and oblong buildings, stairways, and flag-stoned paths and sidewalks." ^[3] Pueblito was probably bigger than Ciudad Perdida for the NGA area, even though Ciudad Perdida was the biggest settlement in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta.
"In a town such as Ciudad Perdida that by A.D. 1500 would have had 2500 to 3000 inhabitants, everyone would have been on view to everyone all the time as they moved about or worked in the open spaces and patios." ^[4]
In the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta: "The largest of the sites is Ciudad Perdida, built between 1,100-1,200 masl. The temperature is stable year-round with minor fluctuations between a maximum of 26 C during the day and a minimum of 16.5 C at night. The annual precipitation is approximately 4,000 mm. This carefully planned “city” is strategically located to dominate the Buritaca River Valley (for a discussion on Tairona urbanism see Aprile-Gniset 1991: 33-113). It has 120 residential terraces, each with one or more circular house platforms of fine stone masonry where a large circular building formerly stood. These terraces are interconnected by a complex web of flagstone stairs and pathways (Figure 22.14). Everything is linked by a simple systems of water drainage with channels designed to control water force as it ran down the steep slopes. Water runs slowly along the stone walls next to stairs and pathways to end in streams that dissect the site. In this way the Tairona controlled erosion, one of the major problems typically arising in steeply inclined environments (Serje de la Ossa 1984). If we suppose that a terrace (Figure 22.14b) represents one family unit, in contrast to the traditional western assumption that each circular house platform equals a family unit, then we can estimate that this site probably had a population of between 400-600 persons living in an area of 18 ha." ^[5]
"The lower portions of the Sierra Nevada, 360-500 m (1,181-1,650 ft) above sea level, were first occupied in the sixth and seventh centuries and the higher zones several centuries later. One of the largest of these late settlements is the site Ciudad Perdida (figure 10.18) Ciudad Perdida—also known as Teyuna and Buritaca 200—is a large set of terraces, circular dwellings, tombs, and plazas built on a web of ridges above the Rio Buritaca. The site covers about 30 ha (74 acres) and was discovered by looters in the mid-1970s. With more than 100 residential terraces, population may have been 2,000-8,000 people." ^[6]
"By the 16th century, we estimate that Teyuna might have had a population between fifteen hundred and two thousand people. If we add to this the popula- tion estimates for the surrounding settlements, approximately ten thousand people were living in this area alone at this time. Bear in mind that these are very conservative estimates, since precise demographics for pre-Hispanic populations are incredibly difficult to calculate." ^[7]

[1]: (Langebaek 2005, 25-7)

[2]: (Giraldo 2010, 110-111)

[3]: (Giraldo 2010, 22-23)

[4]: (Giraldo 2014)

[5]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 2008, 419-423)

[6]: (Moore 2014, 395)

[7]: (Giraldo 2009, 25)

Inhabitants. Pueblito: [3000-5000] Ciudad Perdida: [2500-3000]
Information from Langebaek 2005 ^[1]  :
PUEBLITO. Reichel-Dolmatoff and Groot estimate the number of dwellings of Pueblito at about 1000. Murdy estimates the number of dwellings at 500-1000 and the population between 3000 and 5000 inhabitants. Engel had estimated the number of inhabitants at 1000. Wynn estimated a population ranging between 4500 and 5000.
CIUDAD PERDIDA. Wilson estimated the population at 7200 but using an arbitrary number of inhabitants by ha. Castaño estimated it at 3000 inhabitants. Rodriguez: between 1400-3000. Rodriguez and Botero: Alto Buritaca and Nulicuandecue would have had 8000 people at 66 people per ha, and Ciudad Perdida 1716 inhabitants. Serje estimated 1500 people.
Population estimate for Pueblito: "By AD 1000-1100, the Neguanje village was a tight cluster of residences organized around the major streams, and reached a size of approximately five hectares. If one takes into account the outlying residences, though it is still not clear if we can consider them to be part of the village or not, the area increases to about ten hectares. Despite these reservations, it seems likely that people living some distance from the main settlement cluster had some sort of relationship with the villagers, regardless of whether these residential units may or may not be considered a part of it. How fast or how slowly did the village expand at this point in time? This question cannot be answered by way of the data recovered through the shovel tests, but I will certainly address it in the next chapter, since excavations in the core area allowed us to gain a better sense of the speed and tempo of expansion during this early period. Population densities for the Neguanje village were very probably less than the 31.8 people per hectare estimated for the Tairona period, but the tight clustering and artifact densities suggest that at its peak the village population was between 100 and 160 inhabitants. If we add in the outlying residential clusters, the population might have feasibly reached 180 to 200 inhabitants. In comparison to the population figures estimated for Pueblito during the Tairona period, the demographic difference is profound and shows a dramatic increase in population." ^[2] It seems that between 1100 and abandonment in the 16th century there was substantial population growth, so it is not possible to assess the population between 1100 and 1350 CE.At 1200 and 1300 CE: the population number has been given a range between the range for 1100CE and that for 1500 CE.
"Fast forward next to 1975. Archaeologists Luisa Fernanda Herrera and Gilberto Cadavid have almost completed a large survey of the northern and western sides of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, locating and documenting two hundred and eleven sites with similar characteristics, ranging from a few terraces and circular buildings, stone paths and stairways to very large towns like Pueblito surpassing one hundred hectares. Site 200 found in this survey, or Buritaca 200, as it was then called, is Ciudad Perdida, the “Lost City”, comprising more than 30 hectares of stone masonry terracing, circular and oblong buildings, stairways, and flag-stoned paths and sidewalks." ^[3] Pueblito was probably bigger than Ciudad Perdida for the NGA area, even though Ciudad Perdida was the biggest settlement in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta.
"In a town such as Ciudad Perdida that by A.D. 1500 would have had 2500 to 3000 inhabitants, everyone would have been on view to everyone all the time as they moved about or worked in the open spaces and patios." ^[4]
In the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta: "The largest of the sites is Ciudad Perdida, built between 1,100-1,200 masl. The temperature is stable year-round with minor fluctuations between a maximum of 26 C during the day and a minimum of 16.5 C at night. The annual precipitation is approximately 4,000 mm. This carefully planned “city” is strategically located to dominate the Buritaca River Valley (for a discussion on Tairona urbanism see Aprile-Gniset 1991: 33-113). It has 120 residential terraces, each with one or more circular house platforms of fine stone masonry where a large circular building formerly stood. These terraces are interconnected by a complex web of flagstone stairs and pathways (Figure 22.14). Everything is linked by a simple systems of water drainage with channels designed to control water force as it ran down the steep slopes. Water runs slowly along the stone walls next to stairs and pathways to end in streams that dissect the site. In this way the Tairona controlled erosion, one of the major problems typically arising in steeply inclined environments (Serje de la Ossa 1984). If we suppose that a terrace (Figure 22.14b) represents one family unit, in contrast to the traditional western assumption that each circular house platform equals a family unit, then we can estimate that this site probably had a population of between 400-600 persons living in an area of 18 ha." ^[5]
"The lower portions of the Sierra Nevada, 360-500 m (1,181-1,650 ft) above sea level, were first occupied in the sixth and seventh centuries and the higher zones several centuries later. One of the largest of these late settlements is the site Ciudad Perdida (figure 10.18) Ciudad Perdida—also known as Teyuna and Buritaca 200—is a large set of terraces, circular dwellings, tombs, and plazas built on a web of ridges above the Rio Buritaca. The site covers about 30 ha (74 acres) and was discovered by looters in the mid-1970s. With more than 100 residential terraces, population may have been 2,000-8,000 people." ^[6]
"By the 16th century, we estimate that Teyuna might have had a population between fifteen hundred and two thousand people. If we add to this the popula- tion estimates for the surrounding settlements, approximately ten thousand people were living in this area alone at this time. Bear in mind that these are very conservative estimates, since precise demographics for pre-Hispanic populations are incredibly difficult to calculate." ^[7]

[1]: (Langebaek 2005, 25-7)

[2]: (Giraldo 2010, 110-111)

[3]: (Giraldo 2010, 22-23)

[4]: (Giraldo 2014)

[5]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 2008, 419-423)

[6]: (Moore 2014, 395)

[7]: (Giraldo 2009, 25)

in squared kilometers. Typical size of one independent Tairona polity estimated for the Upper Buritaca region on the basis of this: "Later work in Ciudad Perdida and the Upper Buritaca river basin supports this argument, since Ciudad Perdida is connected by flagstoned paths to at least twenty five other sites of varying sizes within a seven kilometer radius (Soto 1988)." ^[1] This would give us an area of about 150 sq km.
NGA Territory (all Tairona polities): between 3000 and 6,420 sq km. 6,420 is an estimate calculated using Google Area calculator and the above map ^[2]
"Not surprisingly, prehispanic societies took advantage of this river and its resources, including the Muisca, Tierradentro, San Agustin/ Alto Magdalena, and Tairona chiefdoms of Colombia. In general, these chiefdoms exhibited two-tier settlement systems, composed of multiple primary centers with associated second-level communities. Based on current evidence, these primary centers shared cultural styles but retained political independence; for example, there was no single “capital” of the Muisca, Tierradentro, San Agustin/Alto Magdalena, or Tairona chiefdoms. Further, these individual chiefdoms were relatively small, sometimes less than 100 km (60 miles) across, forming a complex political mosaic in Colombia." ^[3]
" These little known polities and their predecessors actively modified the landscape of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Colombia from A.D. 200 until their disappearance around A.D. 1600 at the hands of disease, displacement, and war. In this time however, they built extensive networks of flagstone-paved roads and trails, irrigation and water channeling systems, terraced agricultural fields, and large stone masonry towns over a mountainous area comprising more than three thousand square kilometers, nine different biomes, and altitudes ranging from sea level to 3000 meters elevation." ^[4]
"By 1498, when Spanish explorer Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo anchored in the Bay of Santa Marta to trade steel axes for gold, more than two hundred and fifty Tairona villages and towns with stone masonry and rammed earth architecture could be found throughout the Sierra, from the shore line to altitudes above 2500 meters, covering an area of approximately five thousand square kilometers." ^[5]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 54)

[2]: (Giraldo 2014)

[3]: (Moore 2014, 386)

[4]: (Giraldo 2010, 1)

[5]: (Giraldo 2009, 14)

People. Typical population for one of the Tairona polities, estimated from the Upper Buritaca region: "CIUDAD PERDIDA region. Wilson estimated the population at 7200 but using an arbitrary number of inhabitants by ha. Castaño estimated it at 3000 inhabitants. Rodriguez: between 1400-3000. Rodriguez and Botero: Alto Buritaca and Nulicuandecue would have had 8000 people at 66 people per ha, and Ciudad Perdida 1716 inhabitants. Serje estimated 1500 people." ^[1]
[360,000-500,000] is an estimate for the NGA in total.
"Though there are no reliable population estimates for the area, Spanish documents dating from the 16th century constantly mention that it was very densely populated. Projections made on very rough population numbers calculated by the Spanish authorities around 1593 suggest that at the time of contact with Europeans, at least 250,000 people inhabited the northern and western portions of the Sierra Nevada. Dever’s (2007: 207) more recent calculations estimate population densities to be around 120 people per km2, which give us a total of 360,000 persons for an area of approximately 3000 km2. Less conservative estimates place the number at around 500,000 (Restrepo 1953). Given the fact that new sites continue to be found on a yearly basis or become visible as large swaths of forest in the Sierra Nevada are cut down for ranching and cultivation, it is quite possible that even these less conservative figures may be a low estimate." ^[2]
Information from Langebaek 2005 ^[1]  :
THREE LARGEST BAYS. Murdy estimated the population for the three largest bays: 165 in Concha, 150-200 in Neguanje and 150-200 in Cinto. Including Guachiquita, Palmarito ad Taganga, that’s 650-800 inhabitants for the zone.
PUEBLITO. Reichel-Dolmatoff and Groot estimate the number of dwellings of Pueblito at about 1000. Murdy estimates the number of dwellings at 500-1000 and the population between 3000 and 5000 inhabitants. Engel had estimated the number of inhabitants at 1000. Wynn estimated a population ranging between 4500 and 5000.
CIUDAD PERDIDA. Wilson estimated the population at 7200 but using an arbitrary number of inhabitants by ha. Castaño estimated it at 3000 inhabitants. Rodriguez: between 1400-3000. Rodriguez and Botero: Alto Buritaca and Nulicuandecue would have had 8000 people at 66 people per ha, and Ciudad Perdida 1716 inhabitants. Serje estimated 1500 people.
BAY OF GAIRACA. Lleras estimates the population at 350-500 people using data from water wells.
Adding the lowest figures, the estimate in total comes to about 3500 inhabitants. Adding the highest figures, it comes to about 14,300.
Study of the Santa Marta Bays, a survey area of 90.78 square km: "The population dynamics may be compared in absolute terms, although this is always a risky exercise. If a density of 5 to 10 persons per occupied hectare (Sanders, Parsons and Santley 1979:34-40) were assumed, then there would be between 90 and 179 persons for the Neguanje Period; between 95 and 190 for the Buritaca Period; between 1087 and 2174 for the Late Period; and only between 30 and 59 for the period after the Spanish invasion." ^[3]
Study of the Santa Marta Bays, a survey area of 90.78 square km: "The population dynamics may be compared in absolute terms, although this is always a risky exercise. If a density of 5 to 10 persons per occupied hectare (Sanders, Parsons and Santley 1979:34-40) were assumed, then there would be between 90 and 179 persons for the Neguanje Period; between 95 and 190 for the Buritaca Period; between 1087 and 2174 for the Late Period; and only between 30 and 59 for the period after the Spanish invasion." ^[3] This is an estimate for one of the polities, supposedly centered on the Santa Marta Bays between the 10th and 16th centuries. Because there is better resolution for the later Tairona polities, the code here will be applied to the 10th-14th century only.

[1]: (Langebaek 2005, 25-7)

[2]: (Giraldo 2010, 57-58)

[3]: (Langebaek 2005, 91)

People. Typical population for one of the Tairona polities, estimated from the Upper Buritaca region: "CIUDAD PERDIDA region. Wilson estimated the population at 7200 but using an arbitrary number of inhabitants by ha. Castaño estimated it at 3000 inhabitants. Rodriguez: between 1400-3000. Rodriguez and Botero: Alto Buritaca and Nulicuandecue would have had 8000 people at 66 people per ha, and Ciudad Perdida 1716 inhabitants. Serje estimated 1500 people." ^[1]
[360,000-500,000] is an estimate for the NGA in total.
"Though there are no reliable population estimates for the area, Spanish documents dating from the 16th century constantly mention that it was very densely populated. Projections made on very rough population numbers calculated by the Spanish authorities around 1593 suggest that at the time of contact with Europeans, at least 250,000 people inhabited the northern and western portions of the Sierra Nevada. Dever’s (2007: 207) more recent calculations estimate population densities to be around 120 people per km2, which give us a total of 360,000 persons for an area of approximately 3000 km2. Less conservative estimates place the number at around 500,000 (Restrepo 1953). Given the fact that new sites continue to be found on a yearly basis or become visible as large swaths of forest in the Sierra Nevada are cut down for ranching and cultivation, it is quite possible that even these less conservative figures may be a low estimate." ^[2]
Information from Langebaek 2005 ^[1]  :
THREE LARGEST BAYS. Murdy estimated the population for the three largest bays: 165 in Concha, 150-200 in Neguanje and 150-200 in Cinto. Including Guachiquita, Palmarito ad Taganga, that’s 650-800 inhabitants for the zone.
PUEBLITO. Reichel-Dolmatoff and Groot estimate the number of dwellings of Pueblito at about 1000. Murdy estimates the number of dwellings at 500-1000 and the population between 3000 and 5000 inhabitants. Engel had estimated the number of inhabitants at 1000. Wynn estimated a population ranging between 4500 and 5000.
CIUDAD PERDIDA. Wilson estimated the population at 7200 but using an arbitrary number of inhabitants by ha. Castaño estimated it at 3000 inhabitants. Rodriguez: between 1400-3000. Rodriguez and Botero: Alto Buritaca and Nulicuandecue would have had 8000 people at 66 people per ha, and Ciudad Perdida 1716 inhabitants. Serje estimated 1500 people.
BAY OF GAIRACA. Lleras estimates the population at 350-500 people using data from water wells.
Adding the lowest figures, the estimate in total comes to about 3500 inhabitants. Adding the highest figures, it comes to about 14,300.
Study of the Santa Marta Bays, a survey area of 90.78 square km: "The population dynamics may be compared in absolute terms, although this is always a risky exercise. If a density of 5 to 10 persons per occupied hectare (Sanders, Parsons and Santley 1979:34-40) were assumed, then there would be between 90 and 179 persons for the Neguanje Period; between 95 and 190 for the Buritaca Period; between 1087 and 2174 for the Late Period; and only between 30 and 59 for the period after the Spanish invasion." ^[3]
Study of the Santa Marta Bays, a survey area of 90.78 square km: "The population dynamics may be compared in absolute terms, although this is always a risky exercise. If a density of 5 to 10 persons per occupied hectare (Sanders, Parsons and Santley 1979:34-40) were assumed, then there would be between 90 and 179 persons for the Neguanje Period; between 95 and 190 for the Buritaca Period; between 1087 and 2174 for the Late Period; and only between 30 and 59 for the period after the Spanish invasion." ^[3] This is an estimate for one of the polities, supposedly centered on the Santa Marta Bays between the 10th and 16th centuries. Because there is better resolution for the later Tairona polities, the code here will be applied to the 10th-14th century only.

[1]: (Langebaek 2005, 25-7)

[2]: (Giraldo 2010, 57-58)

[3]: (Langebaek 2005, 91)

levels.
1. Main towns with 1,000 structures or more. Excavated sites: Pueblito (100ha), Ciudad Perdida (30ha). Sites recorded in ethnohistory: Bonda, Pocigueica. They have more than 200 structures and a civic-ceremonial centre. Their residential areas are arranged into neighbourhoods.
2. Large town with 400 to 1,000 structures, including ceremonial houses and temples. Above 10 ha, like Nulicuandecue (13 ha).3. Pueblos (villages) of 20, 40 or 60 houses. 1-5 ha.
"Fast forward next to 1975. Archaeologists Luisa Fernanda Herrera and Gilberto Cadavid have almost completed a large survey of the northern and western sides of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, locating and documenting two hundred and eleven sites with similar characteristics, ranging from a few terraces and circular buildings, stone paths and stairways to very large towns like Pueblito surpassing one hundred hectares. Site 200 found in this survey, or Buritaca 200, as it was then called, is Ciudad Perdida, the “Lost City”, comprising more than 30 hectares of stone masonry terracing, circular and oblong buildings, stairways, and flag-stoned paths and sidewalks." ^[1]
"Spanish informants describe a densely populated area with towns and settlements of all sizes, from pueblos of 20, 40, or 80 houses to large towns with 400 to 1,000 structures that included ceremonial houses and temples. These figures fit well with the archaeological evidence from coastal and from highland regions for the existence of a three-level hierarchy of sites (Serje 1987; Oyuela Caycedo 1987b) in which the larger ones, such as Pueblito, have some 1,000 structures (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1954a: 161; 1954b; G. Reichel-Dolmatoff and A. Reichel-Dolmatoff 1955). Major towns, such as Bonda and Pocigueica, were governed by chiefs (caciques) and seem to have formed the nuclei of incipient states. " ^[2]
"Not surprisingly, prehispanic societies took advantage of this river and its resources, including the Muisca, Tierradentro, San Agustin/ Alto Magdalena, and Tairona chiefdoms of Colombia. In general, these chiefdoms exhibited two-tier settlement systems, composed of multiple primary centers with associated second-level communities." ^[3]
"What is absent on the Alto Buritaca is a neat hierarchy of settlements, the pattern often used to identify the centralized organizations of chiefdoms. Oyuela-Caycedo has written, “Decentralized political complexes coordinated the whole commercial enterprise for one or more of the mountainous valleys, as indicated for Ciudad Perdida.” " ^[4]
"The only projects that contribute data about the distribution of settlements at the regional scale are those of Serje and Oyuela. The former attempts to differentiate among the types of Late Period settlements on the Buritaca Basin based on the number of dwelling platforms. Using such criteria, Serje (1987:90) identifies ’provincial capitals’, like Buritaca 200 or Pueblito, with more than two hundred terraces; second order sites, with an average of eighty terraces; and peripheral sites, with fewer than fifty terraces. Based on that information a ’three-tiered settlement hierarchy’ is proposed (Serje 1987:90). Oyuela (1995) also makes an attempt to evaluate the information about settlement patterns as they relate to models of social organization in Gaira and the Alto Buritaca Basin. Oyuela evaluated the presence of centralization in the settlements found in those two regions. Based on the rank-size method (Johnson 1981) he found a strongly convex distribution in both regions, thus proposing that the chiefdoms in the Sierra Nevada and the coastal plain did not constitute "centralized organizations" (Oyuela 1995:126)." ^[5]
"Nevertheless, if the larger regional scale is considered, two or more clearly differentiated hierarchies may be identified. In fact, the studied area is very close to Pueblito (approximately 10km) where the Bonda settlement might belong, one of the places that the Spanish considered the seat of an important chiefdom (Figure1). Given that the most conservative estimate for Pueblito’s area is 4km2, such a site would represent a higher level in the hierarchy." ^[6]
"Site size and complexity ranges from a few masonry terraces with domestic structures to very large towns with elaborate stone masonry terracing, flag-stoned paths and walk ways, public areas, and canals covering over one hundred and fifty hectares." ^[7]
Gaira settlement hierarchy, three levels: 10 ha and above, between 2 and 6 ha, and below 1ha. "El gráfico de Gaira (Figura 5) efectivamente tiene una forma convexa fuerte. El centro primario es el asentamiento de Gaira (13.5 ha); el segundo asentamiento más grande está localizado donde hoy día se encuentra el Sena (10 ha). Los resultados muestran que el primer asentamiento no es muy diferente de los otros (todos los datos presentados en el gráfico están en m2) Sólo después del octavo asentamiento es que hay una caída en el tamaño de éstos. Hay tres clases de asentamientos: uno por encima de las 10 hectáreas, el segundo entre las 6 y 2 hectáreas y un último grupo de asentamientos pequeños por debajo de una hectárea." ^[8]
Buritaca settlement hierarchy four levels: 8 ha, between 3 and 4 ha, between 1 and 3 ha, and below 1 ha; Oyuela-Caycedo also mentions the site of Buritaca 200 (Ciudad Perdida) at 20ha and Nulicuandecue at 13 ha. "En contraste, el gráfico del alto Buritaca muestra una distribución convexa más cercana a la normal logarítmica (Figura 6). El asentamiento de mayor rango es Buritaca 200 con 20 hectáreas, seguido por Nulicuandecue con 13 hectáreas. En este caso, la distribución parece estar más cerca a la esperada en un sistema integrado. Igualmente, en contraste con Gaira, hay tendencia hacia la centralización, pero ésta no es fuerte como para estar formando una distribución cóncava. Considerando la cercanía de Buritaca 200 y Nulicuandecue (un día de camino), es probable que existiese algún tipo de competencia entre estos dos asentamientos. En cuanto a los tipos de asentamientos, una tipología de éstos basada de manera principal en atributos cualitativos fue previamente desarrollada. En comparación, se pueden definir cuatro clases de asentamientos: uno con asentamientos por encima de ocho hectáreas y compuesto por cuatro asentamientos que son los más monumentales; una suave caída en el gráfico separa otro grupo de asentamientos con tamaños entre cuatro y tres hectáreas, y un tercer grupo compuesto por pequeñas aldeas con tamaños entre una y tres hectáreas. El último está conformado por asentamientos con un tamaño por debajo de una hectárea y es el final del gráfico de rango-tamaño." ^[9]
Oyuela-Caycedo’s proposed classification (1986):
1. Primary regional centres, of which two are known, Pueblito and Ciudad Perdida. These are characterised by their central ceremonial-civic zone, and more than 150 residential terraces grouped in sectors
2. Secondary centres, which have a civic-ceremonial centre with megalithic structures (there are no sectors grouping or dividing the residential terraces)3. Villages that sometimes exhibit megalithic infrastructure in their central sector4. temporary habitation sites, without any megalithic structures, perhaps occasional fishing or salt exploitation camps
In the Classic Period [for Oyuela-Caycedo, after the 9th century] there are at least four types of settlement: temporary habitation sites, without any megalithic structures, perhaps occasional fishing or salt exploitation camps. Villages that sometimes present megalithic infrastructure in their central sector. The third type are the secondary centres, which have a civic-ceremonial centre with megalithic structures (there are no sectors in the residential terraces). The last type of settlement consists in primary regional centres, of which two are known, Pueblito and Ciudad Perdida. These are characterised by their central ceremonial-civic zone, and more than 150 residential terraces grouped in sectors. Given their strategic location, it is possible that their function was to distribute and exchange products within the region, as in the well-studied cases of Formative Mesoamerica. "En el período clásico se distinguen por lo menos cuatro tipos de asentamientos como son: sitios de habitación temporal, sin ningún vestigio megalítico, tal vez campamentos ocasionales de pesca o de obtención de sal. Aldeas que en algunas ocasiones presentan infraestructura megalítica en el sector central. El tercer tipo son los centros secundarios de regular tamaño que presentan un sector central cívico ceremonial con estructuras megalíticas (no se observan sectorizaciones entre las terrazas de vivienda). El último tipo de asentamiento lo constituyen los centros primarios regionales, de los cuales se conocen dos, que son Pueblito y Ciudad Perdida. Estos se caracterizan por constar de una zona central de carácter cívico ceremonial y más de ciento cincuenta terrazas de vivienda agrupadas en sectores. Dada su situación estratégica, es probable que la función de esos asentamientos fuera la distribución y el intercambio de productos dentro de la región, de manera análoga a los bien estudiados casos de Mesoamérica durante el formativo." ^[10]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 22-23)

[2]: (Bray 2003, 301-2)

[3]: (Moore 2014, 386)

[4]: (Moore 2014, 396)

[5]: (Langebaek 2005, 21-3)

[6]: (Langebaek 2005, 79)

[7]: (Giraldo 2010, 54)

[8]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 1995, 122)

[9]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 1995, 124)

[10]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 1986)

levels.
1. Main towns with 1,000 structures or more. Excavated sites: Pueblito (100ha), Ciudad Perdida (30ha). Sites recorded in ethnohistory: Bonda, Pocigueica. They have more than 200 structures and a civic-ceremonial centre. Their residential areas are arranged into neighbourhoods.
2. Large town with 400 to 1,000 structures, including ceremonial houses and temples. Above 10 ha, like Nulicuandecue (13 ha).3. Pueblos (villages) of 20, 40 or 60 houses. 1-5 ha.
"Fast forward next to 1975. Archaeologists Luisa Fernanda Herrera and Gilberto Cadavid have almost completed a large survey of the northern and western sides of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, locating and documenting two hundred and eleven sites with similar characteristics, ranging from a few terraces and circular buildings, stone paths and stairways to very large towns like Pueblito surpassing one hundred hectares. Site 200 found in this survey, or Buritaca 200, as it was then called, is Ciudad Perdida, the “Lost City”, comprising more than 30 hectares of stone masonry terracing, circular and oblong buildings, stairways, and flag-stoned paths and sidewalks." ^[1]
"Spanish informants describe a densely populated area with towns and settlements of all sizes, from pueblos of 20, 40, or 80 houses to large towns with 400 to 1,000 structures that included ceremonial houses and temples. These figures fit well with the archaeological evidence from coastal and from highland regions for the existence of a three-level hierarchy of sites (Serje 1987; Oyuela Caycedo 1987b) in which the larger ones, such as Pueblito, have some 1,000 structures (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1954a: 161; 1954b; G. Reichel-Dolmatoff and A. Reichel-Dolmatoff 1955). Major towns, such as Bonda and Pocigueica, were governed by chiefs (caciques) and seem to have formed the nuclei of incipient states. " ^[2]
"Not surprisingly, prehispanic societies took advantage of this river and its resources, including the Muisca, Tierradentro, San Agustin/ Alto Magdalena, and Tairona chiefdoms of Colombia. In general, these chiefdoms exhibited two-tier settlement systems, composed of multiple primary centers with associated second-level communities." ^[3]
"What is absent on the Alto Buritaca is a neat hierarchy of settlements, the pattern often used to identify the centralized organizations of chiefdoms. Oyuela-Caycedo has written, “Decentralized political complexes coordinated the whole commercial enterprise for one or more of the mountainous valleys, as indicated for Ciudad Perdida.” " ^[4]
"The only projects that contribute data about the distribution of settlements at the regional scale are those of Serje and Oyuela. The former attempts to differentiate among the types of Late Period settlements on the Buritaca Basin based on the number of dwelling platforms. Using such criteria, Serje (1987:90) identifies ’provincial capitals’, like Buritaca 200 or Pueblito, with more than two hundred terraces; second order sites, with an average of eighty terraces; and peripheral sites, with fewer than fifty terraces. Based on that information a ’three-tiered settlement hierarchy’ is proposed (Serje 1987:90). Oyuela (1995) also makes an attempt to evaluate the information about settlement patterns as they relate to models of social organization in Gaira and the Alto Buritaca Basin. Oyuela evaluated the presence of centralization in the settlements found in those two regions. Based on the rank-size method (Johnson 1981) he found a strongly convex distribution in both regions, thus proposing that the chiefdoms in the Sierra Nevada and the coastal plain did not constitute "centralized organizations" (Oyuela 1995:126)." ^[5]
"Nevertheless, if the larger regional scale is considered, two or more clearly differentiated hierarchies may be identified. In fact, the studied area is very close to Pueblito (approximately 10km) where the Bonda settlement might belong, one of the places that the Spanish considered the seat of an important chiefdom (Figure1). Given that the most conservative estimate for Pueblito’s area is 4km2, such a site would represent a higher level in the hierarchy." ^[6]
"Site size and complexity ranges from a few masonry terraces with domestic structures to very large towns with elaborate stone masonry terracing, flag-stoned paths and walk ways, public areas, and canals covering over one hundred and fifty hectares." ^[7]
Gaira settlement hierarchy, three levels: 10 ha and above, between 2 and 6 ha, and below 1ha. "El gráfico de Gaira (Figura 5) efectivamente tiene una forma convexa fuerte. El centro primario es el asentamiento de Gaira (13.5 ha); el segundo asentamiento más grande está localizado donde hoy día se encuentra el Sena (10 ha). Los resultados muestran que el primer asentamiento no es muy diferente de los otros (todos los datos presentados en el gráfico están en m2) Sólo después del octavo asentamiento es que hay una caída en el tamaño de éstos. Hay tres clases de asentamientos: uno por encima de las 10 hectáreas, el segundo entre las 6 y 2 hectáreas y un último grupo de asentamientos pequeños por debajo de una hectárea." ^[8]
Buritaca settlement hierarchy four levels: 8 ha, between 3 and 4 ha, between 1 and 3 ha, and below 1 ha; Oyuela-Caycedo also mentions the site of Buritaca 200 (Ciudad Perdida) at 20ha and Nulicuandecue at 13 ha. "En contraste, el gráfico del alto Buritaca muestra una distribución convexa más cercana a la normal logarítmica (Figura 6). El asentamiento de mayor rango es Buritaca 200 con 20 hectáreas, seguido por Nulicuandecue con 13 hectáreas. En este caso, la distribución parece estar más cerca a la esperada en un sistema integrado. Igualmente, en contraste con Gaira, hay tendencia hacia la centralización, pero ésta no es fuerte como para estar formando una distribución cóncava. Considerando la cercanía de Buritaca 200 y Nulicuandecue (un día de camino), es probable que existiese algún tipo de competencia entre estos dos asentamientos. En cuanto a los tipos de asentamientos, una tipología de éstos basada de manera principal en atributos cualitativos fue previamente desarrollada. En comparación, se pueden definir cuatro clases de asentamientos: uno con asentamientos por encima de ocho hectáreas y compuesto por cuatro asentamientos que son los más monumentales; una suave caída en el gráfico separa otro grupo de asentamientos con tamaños entre cuatro y tres hectáreas, y un tercer grupo compuesto por pequeñas aldeas con tamaños entre una y tres hectáreas. El último está conformado por asentamientos con un tamaño por debajo de una hectárea y es el final del gráfico de rango-tamaño." ^[9]
Oyuela-Caycedo’s proposed classification (1986):
1. Primary regional centres, of which two are known, Pueblito and Ciudad Perdida. These are characterised by their central ceremonial-civic zone, and more than 150 residential terraces grouped in sectors
2. Secondary centres, which have a civic-ceremonial centre with megalithic structures (there are no sectors grouping or dividing the residential terraces)3. Villages that sometimes exhibit megalithic infrastructure in their central sector4. temporary habitation sites, without any megalithic structures, perhaps occasional fishing or salt exploitation camps
In the Classic Period [for Oyuela-Caycedo, after the 9th century] there are at least four types of settlement: temporary habitation sites, without any megalithic structures, perhaps occasional fishing or salt exploitation camps. Villages that sometimes present megalithic infrastructure in their central sector. The third type are the secondary centres, which have a civic-ceremonial centre with megalithic structures (there are no sectors in the residential terraces). The last type of settlement consists in primary regional centres, of which two are known, Pueblito and Ciudad Perdida. These are characterised by their central ceremonial-civic zone, and more than 150 residential terraces grouped in sectors. Given their strategic location, it is possible that their function was to distribute and exchange products within the region, as in the well-studied cases of Formative Mesoamerica. "En el período clásico se distinguen por lo menos cuatro tipos de asentamientos como son: sitios de habitación temporal, sin ningún vestigio megalítico, tal vez campamentos ocasionales de pesca o de obtención de sal. Aldeas que en algunas ocasiones presentan infraestructura megalítica en el sector central. El tercer tipo son los centros secundarios de regular tamaño que presentan un sector central cívico ceremonial con estructuras megalíticas (no se observan sectorizaciones entre las terrazas de vivienda). El último tipo de asentamiento lo constituyen los centros primarios regionales, de los cuales se conocen dos, que son Pueblito y Ciudad Perdida. Estos se caracterizan por constar de una zona central de carácter cívico ceremonial y más de ciento cincuenta terrazas de vivienda agrupadas en sectores. Dada su situación estratégica, es probable que la función de esos asentamientos fuera la distribución y el intercambio de productos dentro de la región, de manera análoga a los bien estudiados casos de Mesoamérica durante el formativo." ^[10]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 22-23)

[2]: (Bray 2003, 301-2)

[3]: (Moore 2014, 386)

[4]: (Moore 2014, 396)

[5]: (Langebaek 2005, 21-3)

[6]: (Langebaek 2005, 79)

[7]: (Giraldo 2010, 54)

[8]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 1995, 122)

[9]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 1995, 124)

[10]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 1986)

levels. [1-2] levels at the time of Conquest? Local priests and polity-wide priest? ADAna: The only religious leader documented is the naoma, also known as máma. He preformed rituals and was the source of knowledge of the community. Apprentices f this labour where children chosen, but their is no evidence that shows how they were involved in rituals and religious performances. “Los caciques de la Sierra Nevada también tuvieron jerarquías de poder; sabemos que las ciudades estaban divididas en barrios, cada uno al mando de un cacique y todos ellos dependientes de un señor principal, que no existe evidencia de una unión entre los diversos grupos, lo que trajo la derrota y el aniquilamiento total de la cultura después de casi un siglo de resistencia al español. (…)De los Taironas tenemos noticias de categorías de jerarquía social; caciques mayores dominaban a otros secundarios y existieron subalternos en la autoridad civil, llamados <capitanes> y <mandadores>, por los españoles.” / Sierra Nevada’s chiefs also had power hierarchies; we know that cities were divided in neighbourhoods, each ruled by a chief and all of them under a head lord, there is no evidence of a union among the different groups and this might be the cause of the defeat and annihilation of their culture after a century of resistance against the Spanish (…) From the Taironas we have some news of their social hierarchy; greater chiefs ruled over others, apart from subordinated civil authorities, called <captains> and <carriers> by the Spanish. ^[1] “Dentro de su organización social había separación de funciones religiosas y administrativas por lo que tenían dos tipos de líderes: los religiosos conocidos como naomas -sacerdotes y guías espirituales- y los administrativos -caciques y capitanes-. Aunque los sacerdotes, tenían influencia y participación en los concejos, no estaban investidos de reales poderes administrativos, los caciques por su parte eran los llamados a la administración y a la justicia, y no tenían investidura religiosa.” /Inside their social structure, they use to have two types of leaders, because of the gap between the religious and administrative function: the religious were known as the naomas- priests and spiritual guides- and the management-chiefs and captains-. Even though the priests had influence and participation in the consensus, they were not embellished in royal management power, on the other hand, the chiefs were called to the managing and justice, and did not had any religious implication. ^[2] "The chronicles make frequent reference to naomas and mohanes, of whom there could be several in each town. The two words are often used interchangeably, and these people are usually considered to be priests and ritual specialists,the possible ancestors of the present-day Kogi and Ika mamas (Dussán de Reichel 2000: 88; for a contrary view see Bischof 1971; 1982-83: 88). In this connection, there is an interesting mention in the Relación de Tayrona (1571) to a town with two caciques; the principal one was called Mamanauma (Oyuela- Caycedo 1998: 52). The mohanes are undoubtedly priests (see Castellanos 1955, 2: 596), but the status of the naomas is less clear. Juan de Castellanos, writing in 1601, notes that naomas could hold political office and that they outranked ordinary caciques: “fifteen caciques, great señores, are subject to the command of the naoma called, it is said, Marocando” (Castellanos 1955, 2: 340). The same author also mentions a personage called Betoma, “whom they recognized as a Naoma and who held command over all the caciques” (ibid.: 548). The political power of sixteenth-century naomas is not in doubt, but their priestly role remains ambiguous." ^[3]

[1]: Chávez, A et al. (1995) Los Indios de Colombia. Mapfre: Cayambe, Ecuador: p. 83

[2]: Triana, M Quintana, B (2011) Cultura Tayrona: Aproximaciones a la Conquista, In: Manifestaciones Artísticas en Colombia Prehispánica. PDF p. 3

[3]: (Bray 2003, 302)

levels.
The following applies to the preconquest period (1450-1525 CE):
1. Mandadores (commanders)
2. Capitanes de guerra (war captains)3. Experienced warriors4. Individual soldier
"Besides caciques, Spanish sources mention capitanes, principales (nobles), mandadores (commanders), and capitanes de guerra. Fray Pedro Simón (1882-92, 5: 197) also lists a pregonero (speaker or crier) who was second only to the chief. Spanish accounts do not list the duties and powers of all these officials, but it seems clear that there was a hierarchy of civil and military office- holders. One source mentions inheritance from father to son “en el oficio” (Bischof 1982- 83: 88). The texts also mention merchants, craftsmen, weavers, goldsmiths, carpenters, and farmers, and one recorded example refers to earned status. Simón (1882-92, 5: 198) describes a category of warriors “who had demonstrated their bravery on various occasions, and were allowed to wear their hair long, and tucked into their belts at the back,” a reminder that not all status symbols will be archaeologically identifiable." ^[1]

[1]: (Bray 2003, 302)

levels.
The following applies to the preconquest period (1450-1525 CE):
1. Mandadores (commanders)
2. Capitanes de guerra (war captains)3. Experienced warriors4. Individual soldier
"Besides caciques, Spanish sources mention capitanes, principales (nobles), mandadores (commanders), and capitanes de guerra. Fray Pedro Simón (1882-92, 5: 197) also lists a pregonero (speaker or crier) who was second only to the chief. Spanish accounts do not list the duties and powers of all these officials, but it seems clear that there was a hierarchy of civil and military office- holders. One source mentions inheritance from father to son “en el oficio” (Bischof 1982- 83: 88). The texts also mention merchants, craftsmen, weavers, goldsmiths, carpenters, and farmers, and one recorded example refers to earned status. Simón (1882-92, 5: 198) describes a category of warriors “who had demonstrated their bravery on various occasions, and were allowed to wear their hair long, and tucked into their belts at the back,” a reminder that not all status symbols will be archaeologically identifiable." ^[1]

[1]: (Bray 2003, 302)

levels. The administrative complexity described below applies to the pre-conquest period (1450-1525 CE)
At least three levels:
(1. Naoma. A ritual specialist with political power that could outrank caciques.)
2. Lord of the province3. Lord of a town (cacique)4. Lord of a barrio (neighbourhood) or subsidiary cacique
"Spanish references to leaders in the 16th century documents suggest, at the very least, a four tiered civil political structure, with “caciques”, “capitanes”, “mandadores”, and “capitanes de guerra”, as well as designated leaders for neighborhoods or residential wards within larger towns (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1951: 88-89)." ^[1]
"Whatever the truth, Spanish sources suggest that the Tairona had a hierarchy of office- holders. Oviedo notes that the ruler of Bonda was “the Lord of all the caciques of that province” (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1953: 88), and for the Valle de la Caldera Father Pedro Simón wrote in 1628, “The towns [pueblos] would be about two hundred and fifty, and most of them obey a cacique called Guacanaoma, though there is not a single town that does not have its own Cacique or Mohan” (Simón 1882-92, 5: 192). Mohanes were native priests, and the significance of the naoma element in the cacique’s name is examined below. There is one possible mention of a female ruler, “a caciqua or principal woman among them” (Reichel- Dolmatoff 1951: 10), though the text is unclear about whether she was a ruler in her own right or simply a woman of high status, perhaps the wife of a chief. Some towns were divided into barrios, each of which had its subsidiary cacique (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1951: 88). Besides caciques, Spanish sources mention capitanes, principales (nobles), mandadores (commanders), and capitanes de guerra. Fray Pedro Simón (1882-92, 5: 197) also lists a pregonero (speaker or crier) who was second only to the chief. Spanish accounts do not list the duties and powers of all these officials, but it seems clear that there was a hierarchy of civil and military office- holders." ^[2]
"The mohanes are undoubtedly priests (see Castellanos 1955, 2: 596), but the status of the naomas is less clear. Juan de Castellanos, writing in 1601, notes that naomas could hold political office and that they outranked ordinary caciques: “fifteen caciques, great señores, are subject to the command of the naoma called, it is said, Marocando” (Castellanos 1955, 2: 340). The same author also mentions a personage called Betoma, “whom they rec- ognized as a Naoma and who held command over all the caciques” (ibid.: 548). The political power of sixteenth-century naomas is not in doubt, but their priestly role remains ambiguous." ^[2]
"We know that by the 16th century some leaders extended their political domain over other towns and lower ranking leaders, controlling great territories or “provinces”, as they were called by the Spanish. It is also true that no single leader exerted control over all the population and territory. This supposes a complicated sociopolitical arrangement, wherein different leaders probably competed with each other to extend their influence by way of alliances, trade partnerships and occasional skirmishes, so that their political power and authority increased or diminished accordingly." ^[3]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 61)

[2]: (Bray 2003, 302)

[3]: (Giraldo 2009, 15-16)

levels. The administrative complexity described below applies to the pre-conquest period (1450-1525 CE)
At least three levels:
(1. Naoma. A ritual specialist with political power that could outrank caciques.)
2. Lord of the province3. Lord of a town (cacique)4. Lord of a barrio (neighbourhood) or subsidiary cacique
"Spanish references to leaders in the 16th century documents suggest, at the very least, a four tiered civil political structure, with “caciques”, “capitanes”, “mandadores”, and “capitanes de guerra”, as well as designated leaders for neighborhoods or residential wards within larger towns (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1951: 88-89)." ^[1]
"Whatever the truth, Spanish sources suggest that the Tairona had a hierarchy of office- holders. Oviedo notes that the ruler of Bonda was “the Lord of all the caciques of that province” (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1953: 88), and for the Valle de la Caldera Father Pedro Simón wrote in 1628, “The towns [pueblos] would be about two hundred and fifty, and most of them obey a cacique called Guacanaoma, though there is not a single town that does not have its own Cacique or Mohan” (Simón 1882-92, 5: 192). Mohanes were native priests, and the significance of the naoma element in the cacique’s name is examined below. There is one possible mention of a female ruler, “a caciqua or principal woman among them” (Reichel- Dolmatoff 1951: 10), though the text is unclear about whether she was a ruler in her own right or simply a woman of high status, perhaps the wife of a chief. Some towns were divided into barrios, each of which had its subsidiary cacique (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1951: 88). Besides caciques, Spanish sources mention capitanes, principales (nobles), mandadores (commanders), and capitanes de guerra. Fray Pedro Simón (1882-92, 5: 197) also lists a pregonero (speaker or crier) who was second only to the chief. Spanish accounts do not list the duties and powers of all these officials, but it seems clear that there was a hierarchy of civil and military office- holders." ^[2]
"The mohanes are undoubtedly priests (see Castellanos 1955, 2: 596), but the status of the naomas is less clear. Juan de Castellanos, writing in 1601, notes that naomas could hold political office and that they outranked ordinary caciques: “fifteen caciques, great señores, are subject to the command of the naoma called, it is said, Marocando” (Castellanos 1955, 2: 340). The same author also mentions a personage called Betoma, “whom they rec- ognized as a Naoma and who held command over all the caciques” (ibid.: 548). The political power of sixteenth-century naomas is not in doubt, but their priestly role remains ambiguous." ^[2]
"We know that by the 16th century some leaders extended their political domain over other towns and lower ranking leaders, controlling great territories or “provinces”, as they were called by the Spanish. It is also true that no single leader exerted control over all the population and territory. This supposes a complicated sociopolitical arrangement, wherein different leaders probably competed with each other to extend their influence by way of alliances, trade partnerships and occasional skirmishes, so that their political power and authority increased or diminished accordingly." ^[3]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 61)

[2]: (Bray 2003, 302)

[3]: (Giraldo 2009, 15-16)

Only at the time of Conquest? AD "Simón (1882-92, 5: 198) de- scribes a category of warriors “who had demonstrated their bravery on various occasions, and were allowed to wear their hair long, and tucked into their belts at the back,” a reminder that not all status symbols will be archaeologically identifiable." ^[1] There is no confirmation from Bray that these warriors were full-time soldiers."There is also the question concerning the social positioning of people living in these different residential areas. Were they full time attached specialists such as warriors, masons, featherworkers, bead manufacturers, goldsmiths, or religious specialists as Groot (1985) argues?" ^[2]

[1]: (Bray 2003, 203)

[2]: (Giraldo 2010, 304)

Only at the time of Conquest? AD "Simón (1882-92, 5: 198) de- scribes a category of warriors “who had demonstrated their bravery on various occasions, and were allowed to wear their hair long, and tucked into their belts at the back,” a reminder that not all status symbols will be archaeologically identifiable." ^[1] There is no confirmation from Bray that these warriors were full-time soldiers."There is also the question concerning the social positioning of people living in these different residential areas. Were they full time attached specialists such as warriors, masons, featherworkers, bead manufacturers, goldsmiths, or religious specialists as Groot (1985) argues?" ^[2]

[1]: (Bray 2003, 203)

[2]: (Giraldo 2010, 304)

Only at the time of Conquest? AD "Simón (1882-92, 5: 198) de- scribes a category of warriors “who had demonstrated their bravery on various occasions, and were allowed to wear their hair long, and tucked into their belts at the back,” a reminder that not all status symbols will be archaeologically identifiable." ^[1] There is no confirmation from Bray that these warriors were full-time soldiers."There is also the question concerning the social positioning of people living in these different residential areas. Were they full time attached specialists such as warriors, masons, featherworkers, bead manufacturers, goldsmiths, or religious specialists as Groot (1985) argues?" ^[2]

[1]: (Bray 2003, 203)

[2]: (Giraldo 2010, 304)

Only at the time of Conquest? AD "The chronicles make frequent reference to naomas and mohanes, of whom there could be several in each town. The two words are often used interchangeably, and these people are usually considered to be priests and ritual specialists,the possible ancestors of the present-day Kogi and Ika mamas (Dussán de Reichel 2000: 88; for a contrary view see Bischof 1971; 1982-83: 88). In this connection, there is an interesting mention in the Relación de Tayrona (1571) to a town with two caciques; the principal one was called Mamanauma (Oyuela- Caycedo 1998: 52).The mohanes are undoubtedly priests (see Castellanos 1955, 2: 596), but the status of the naomas is less clear." ^[1] There is no confirmation from Bray that the mohanes were full-time priests. However, training to become a priest seems to have been intense: "In 1561, an account tells of an incursion to the Nueva Salamanca de la Ramada, an area where the town of Dibulla is located today (Restrepo Tirado 1943: 860). During this trip, the process of the accession of a priest was described: "They obeyed an Indian called mohán who cured them of sickness. At his death he would be succeeded by his son who had been kept enclosed without seeing the sun for ten years." This description greatly resembles the process of training for priesthood noted by Reichel-Dolmatoff (1976b) for the Kaggaba." ^[2] "In any case, that there were no strict boundaries between civil and religious authority should not be surprising at all. Rather, what must be interrogated and explored are the various ways in which these intersect and overlap." ^[3] "There is also the question concerning the social positioning of people living in these different residential areas. Were they full time attached specialists such as warriors, masons, featherworkers, bead manufacturers, goldsmiths, or religious specialists as Groot (1985) argues?" ^[4]

[1]: (Bray 2003; 302)

[2]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 1998, 52)

[3]: (Giraldo 2010, 61)

[4]: (Giraldo 2010, 304)

Only at the time of Conquest AD"Besides caciques, Spanish sources mention capitanes, principales (nobles), mandadores (commanders), and capitanes de guerra. Fray Pedro Simón (1882-92, 5: 197) also lists a pregonero (speaker or crier) who was second only to the chief. Spanish accounts do not list the duties and powers of all these off icials, but it seems clear that there was a hierarchy of civil and military off ice- holders." ^[1] "Capitanes de guerra" means "war captains". There is no confirmation from Bray on whether these military officers had any other occupation and whether they were full-time professionals."There is also the question concerning the social positioning of people living in these different residential areas. Were they full time attached specialists such as warriors, masons, featherworkers, bead manufacturers, goldsmiths, or religious specialists as Groot (1985) argues?" ^[2] Reichel-Dolmatoff refers to 16th century wars, highlighting that the Tairona were prone on guerilla warfare when resisting the Spaniards and that only on two occasions did they have a more substantial organised force, with military chiefs. This lack of organisation led to their eventual demise. ^[3] Note by RA: However the situation could have been different before contact (population decrease and other factors could have altered the social fabric).

[1]: (Bray 2003, 203)

[2]: (Giraldo 2010, 304)

[3]: (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1951, 91)

Only at the time of Conquest AD"Besides caciques, Spanish sources mention capitanes, principales (nobles), mandadores (commanders), and capitanes de guerra. Fray Pedro Simón (1882-92, 5: 197) also lists a pregonero (speaker or crier) who was second only to the chief. Spanish accounts do not list the duties and powers of all these off icials, but it seems clear that there was a hierarchy of civil and military off ice- holders." ^[1] "Capitanes de guerra" means "war captains". There is no confirmation from Bray on whether these military officers had any other occupation and whether they were full-time professionals."There is also the question concerning the social positioning of people living in these different residential areas. Were they full time attached specialists such as warriors, masons, featherworkers, bead manufacturers, goldsmiths, or religious specialists as Groot (1985) argues?" ^[2] Reichel-Dolmatoff refers to 16th century wars, highlighting that the Tairona were prone on guerilla warfare when resisting the Spaniards and that only on two occasions did they have a more substantial organised force, with military chiefs. This lack of organisation led to their eventual demise. ^[3] Note by RA: However the situation could have been different before contact (population decrease and other factors could have altered the social fabric).

[1]: (Bray 2003, 203)

[2]: (Giraldo 2010, 304)

[3]: (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1951, 91)

Only at the time of Conquest AD"Besides caciques, Spanish sources mention capitanes, principales (nobles), mandadores (commanders), and capitanes de guerra. Fray Pedro Simón (1882-92, 5: 197) also lists a pregonero (speaker or crier) who was second only to the chief. Spanish accounts do not list the duties and powers of all these off icials, but it seems clear that there was a hierarchy of civil and military off ice- holders." ^[1] "Capitanes de guerra" means "war captains". There is no confirmation from Bray on whether these military officers had any other occupation and whether they were full-time professionals."There is also the question concerning the social positioning of people living in these different residential areas. Were they full time attached specialists such as warriors, masons, featherworkers, bead manufacturers, goldsmiths, or religious specialists as Groot (1985) argues?" ^[2] Reichel-Dolmatoff refers to 16th century wars, highlighting that the Tairona were prone on guerilla warfare when resisting the Spaniards and that only on two occasions did they have a more substantial organised force, with military chiefs. This lack of organisation led to their eventual demise. ^[3] Note by RA: However the situation could have been different before contact (population decrease and other factors could have altered the social fabric).

[1]: (Bray 2003, 203)

[2]: (Giraldo 2010, 304)

[3]: (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1951, 91)

Non-domestic architecture has been found which may have had administrative functions, but the degree of state organization among the Tairona is disputed ^[1] and the lack of evidence of administrative record-keeping tools ^[2] means that it is difficult to identify ’government’ buildings with any degree of confidence. "The ambiguous and imprecise nature of Spanish accounts regarding socio-political structure, in conjunction with the archaeological discovery and study of unusually large, well-structured stone masonry towns featuring canals, plazas, reservoirs, bridges, sidewalks, and administrative sectors has led to what Robert Drennan (1995: 322) calls “interpretive schizophrenia” in archaeologists working on the Tairona." ^[3] "This terrace is the only structure found to date in Pueblito that does not have a circular structure emplaced upon it, having what appeared to be a roughly rectangular building approximately 20 meters long and 10 meters wide, the roofed area covering 192 square meters.18 Yet it was built alongside the Eastern Plaza and its three staircases give it direct access to and from the feasting/ceremonial building directly south of it. An additional entrance to the north connects it to a paved pathway leading west towards the road or east towards a cluster of terraces and dwellings higher up on the adjacent hill slope. This indicates that it was a building with high levels of traffic, probably serving some administrative purpose, rather than a residence." ^[4]

[1]: (Bray 2003, 302)

[2]: (Hudson 2010, 5)

[3]: (Giraldo 2010, 59)

[4]: (Giraldo 2010, 165)

Various ’public works’ are suggestive of some form of administrative organization, but not sufficient to justify coding full-time bureaucrats present.

Various ’public works’ are suggestive of some form of administrative organization, but not sufficient to justify coding full-time bureaucrats present.
"Ciudad Perdida was the largest settlement in a vast network of communities connected by paved stone stairways and roads. This physical network also marked regional networks based on exchange, craft specialization, and presumably religion." ^[1]
"Canals, subterranean drainages, common bathing and washing pools, and large water reservoirs in coastal and upland sites are among the more obvious “public works” found in these towns (Mason 1931, Reichel-Dolmatoff and Dussán 1955, Lleras 1985, Cadavid and Herrera 1985)." ^[2]

[1]: (Moore 2014, 395)

[2]: (Giraldo 2010, 56)

Various ’public works’ are suggestive of some form of administrative organization, but not sufficient to justify coding full-time bureaucrats present.

We know that when the Spaniards arrived to Ciénaga, it was an important market to which people flocked to from the mountains. According to a few references from the 16th century, it was a great village to which the mountain people descended to obtain salt and fish, bringing cloths and gold. Ciénaga was a meeting point for the Mompox indigenous populations and ’others which lived on the shores of the Magdalena’, who met in order to obtain salt. Thanks to its strategic location close to the sea, the marshes and the mountains, and easy access to the interior plains, Ciénaga acted like an enclave of prehispanic trade between ’Tairona’ societies and the populations of the Lower Magdalena and the plains of the River Cesar, enabling products from the Sierra to reach further territories via intermediaries. "Sabemos, efectivamente, que a la llegada de los españoles Ciénaga era un mercado importante al cual acudían los indígenas de las montañas (en Friede, 1975. 1:212). Según algunas referencias del siglo XVI se trataba de "un gran pueblo, donde abajan los indios de la Sierra a rescatar pescado y sal, y traénles oro y mantas" (en Friede, 1960: 2141; de otro lado, aún en 1787. Ciénaga constituía un punto de encuentro para los indígenas de Mompox y de "otros que habitan en una y otra orilla del Magdalena" que se reunian con el fin de conseguir sal (Julíán, 1980: 110). Por su posición estratégica, cerca al mar, a las ciénagas, a la Sierra, y con fácil acceso a las llanuras del interior, Ciénaga actuaba como un enclave de comercio prebispánico entre las sociedades "tairona" y los pobladores del bajo Magdalena y Uanuras del Cesar, brindando la posibilidad de que, a través de intermediarios, los productos producidos en la Sierra Uegaran a territorios bien alejados." ^[1]

[1]: (Langebaek 1987, 65-66)

"The presence of irrigation canals along the coast and garden terraces in the mountain indicates that the Tairona cultivated the land intensively; areas beside the sea were exploited seasonally for salt, and in places where ecological factors dictated low yields of fish, agriculture could be intensified." ^[1] "covered canals" are mentioned in Pueblito. "This situation changed dramatically at some point between A.D. 1100 and A.D. 1200 as terraces in the central area are raised rather rapidly, their areas extended by way of masonry retaining walls and stone foundation rings are set in place. It is also at this point in time that the Eastern Plaza is built and acquires the form we see today; the large ceremonial/feasting ring is set into place, the covered canal is built, and the residences located towards the eastern side of the plaza are dismantled and the level raised at least 1 meter." ^[2]

[1]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 2008, 423)

[2]: (Giraldo 2010, 207)

Stores could be referring to food storage here: "We both agree that the complex nature of terrace compounds and multiple, separate, single-cell structures suggests that extended families or kin groups lived in these areas, sharing structures among their members. Seen in conjunction with documentary evidence that suggests a polygamous marriage pattern (Simon 1882, V: 218), it is quite probable that the separate structures found in residential compounds were used along gender and status lines, not including of course, stores or common areas." ^[1] There are semi-circular bases, which have been interpreted as storage areas following the excavation of one of them. There are four, in peripheric areas. "En Ciudad Perdida existen también basamentos de forma semicircular, para los cuales, con base en los datos de excavación de uno de ellos, se plantea que probablemente fueron espacios para almacenamiento. Aparecen cuatro, en lugares periféricos." ^[2]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 56)

[2]: (Serje 1987)

wells do not count. however, water reservoirs for drinking water probably would count. "Canals, subterranean drainages, common bathing and washing pools, and large water reservoirs in coastal and upland sites are among the more obvious “public works” found in these towns (Mason 1931, Reichel-Dolmatoff and Dussán 1955, Lleras 1985, Cadavid and Herrera 1985)." ^[1] "This area is where the only deep water well of Chengue is located. The water well is a stone lined structure, with a stone slate fence similar to those found around reservoirs and the salt lagoon and although most of it has been altered by looting and erosion, the staircase that led to the bottom is still visible. At this point it is impossible to date the well, but stratified T1 ceramics found near the rim of the well (see Excavation 17) suggest it may have been build during the T1 phase." ^[2]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 56)

[2]: (Dever 2007, 145)

"The socio-political organization of Tairona culture during the early part of the sixteenth century consisted of relatively independent chiefdoms, each including a priestly class and a hierarchy of chiefs as well as specialists in arts and crafts (e.g., gold workers, semiprecious stone engravers, merchants). This arts and crafts specialization, coupled with intensive exchange of agricultural products, was possible because of the regional ecological diversity found in the SNSM. The diversity encouraged the development of centers of specialization and regions of production for items such as ceramics, lithic artifacts, and agricultural products. At last archaeologists are beginning to understand the ancient system as they reconstruct the web of roads and pathways that connected all of the sites (Oyuela-Caycedo 1987a, 1990; Herrera de Turbay 1985; Kurela 1993; Herrera 2000)." ^[1] "Following the catastrophic environmental crisis of the sixth century the SNSM witnessed extremely rapid population growth and colonization in the northern and western drainage. Terrace systems permitted the construction of small towns on sheer mountain slopes that were linked by a network of steep roads." ^[2]

[1]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 2008, 423)

[2]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 2008, 419)

"Fray Pedro de Aguado (/1581/ 1906, 5:69) describes the ’...towns of Concha and Ancones, where Jagua and Jairada, and Guachaca, and Nando, and Naguanje are, towns of principal lords, river ports and Ocean ports’." ^[1] Could have been present earlier than the 16th century if there was international trade. "It seems difficult to assess their significance within the system, as there is no evidence for flagstone paths outside of the Sierra Nevada (unlike the case of the Incas); the long-distance flow of products could have been carried out through the sea and the rivers." "Resulta difícil evaluar su significado dentro del sistema, puesto que no existen evidencias de caminos enlosados por fuera de la Sierra Nevada (en el caso de los incas sí); el flujo de productos a larga distancia pudo efectuarse a través del mar y los ríos." ^[2] However most data about international trade relates to the Tairona II period (1350-1525 CE) and the Neguanje periods.

[1]: (Langebaek 2005, 71-79)

[2]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 1990, 63)

"To facilitate the redistribution of products the different regional chiefdoms of the northeast SNSM built an extensive network of paths, bridges, and paved stairs." ^[1] SNSM is Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta.

[1]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 2008, 423)

Gold mines. "The effects of the colonial experience and enforced changes in indigenous lifestyles are recorded in a series of documents that bridge the gap between the pre-Hispanic and contemporary Tairona. One of the earliest accounts, dated 1578 and transcribed by Carl Langebaek (1990), is a record of demographic collapse, with the abandonment of the coastal lands to the Spanish and the retreat of the remaining Indians to small settlements in the sierra. The gold mines were no longer exploited" ^[1] Stone quarries: "The “piedras” (stones) sector of the town has many beautifully built structures, but its main characteristic is the use of large boulders as foundation for terraces and rings. Much of the stone used to build Ciudad Perdida was quarried in this area, where laminar schist boulders such as the one on the right in the photograph can be found strewn about the slopes of the hill. " ^[2]

[1]: (Bray 2003, 308)

[2]: (Giraldo 2014)

None of the native peoples developed a system of writing comparable to that of the Mayas, and much less would the Spaniards encounter a native empire such as that of either the Aztecs or Incas. By 1500 A.D., the most advanced of the indigenous peoples were two Chibcha groups: the Taironas and the Muiscas." ^[1]

[1]: (Hudson 2010, 5)

None of the native peoples developed a system of writing comparable to that of the Mayas, and much less would the Spaniards encounter a native empire such as that of either the Aztecs or Incas. By 1500 A.D., the most advanced of the indigenous peoples were two Chibcha groups: the Taironas and the Muiscas." ^[1]

[1]: (Hudson 2010, 5)

None of the native peoples developed a system of writing comparable to that of the Mayas, and much less would the Spaniards encounter a native empire such as that of either the Aztecs or Incas. By 1500 A.D., the most advanced of the indigenous peoples were two Chibcha groups: the Taironas and the Muiscas." ^[1]

[1]: (Hudson 2010, 5)

Some archaeological and historical data seem to indicate that there were astronomical observations from temples or other fixed points. "Algunos datos históricos y arqueológicos parecen indicar la observación astronómica desde templos u otros puntos fijos." ^[1]

[1]: (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1986)

None of the native peoples developed a system of writing comparable to that of the Mayas, and much less would the Spaniards encounter a native empire such as that of either the Aztecs or Incas. By 1500 A.D., the most advanced of the indigenous peoples were two Chibcha groups: the Taironas and the Muiscas." ^[1]

[1]: (Hudson 2010, 5)

None of the native peoples developed a system of writing comparable to that of the Mayas, and much less would the Spaniards encounter a native empire such as that of either the Aztecs or Incas. By 1500 A.D., the most advanced of the indigenous peoples were two Chibcha groups: the Taironas and the Muiscas." ^[1]

[1]: (Hudson 2010, 5)

None of the native peoples developed a system of writing comparable to that of the Mayas, and much less would the Spaniards encounter a native empire such as that of either the Aztecs or Incas. By 1500 A.D., the most advanced of the indigenous peoples were two Chibcha groups: the Taironas and the Muiscas." ^[1]

[1]: (Hudson 2010, 5)

None of the native peoples developed a system of writing comparable to that of the Mayas, and much less would the Spaniards encounter a native empire such as that of either the Aztecs or Incas. By 1500 A.D., the most advanced of the indigenous peoples were two Chibcha groups: the Taironas and the Muiscas." ^[1]

[1]: (Hudson 2010, 5)

None of the native peoples developed a system of writing comparable to that of the Mayas, and much less would the Spaniards encounter a native empire such as that of either the Aztecs or Incas. By 1500 A.D., the most advanced of the indigenous peoples were two Chibcha groups: the Taironas and the Muiscas." ^[1]

[1]: (Hudson 2010, 5)

None of the native peoples developed a system of writing comparable to that of the Mayas, and much less would the Spaniards encounter a native empire such as that of either the Aztecs or Incas. By 1500 A.D., the most advanced of the indigenous peoples were two Chibcha groups: the Taironas and the Muiscas." ^[1]

[1]: (Hudson 2010, 5)

None of the native peoples developed a system of writing comparable to that of the Mayas, and much less would the Spaniards encounter a native empire such as that of either the Aztecs or Incas. By 1500 A.D., the most advanced of the indigenous peoples were two Chibcha groups: the Taironas and the Muiscas." ^[1]

[1]: (Hudson 2010, 5)

None of the native peoples developed a system of writing comparable to that of the Mayas, and much less would the Spaniards encounter a native empire such as that of either the Aztecs or Incas. By 1500 A.D., the most advanced of the indigenous peoples were two Chibcha groups: the Taironas and the Muiscas." ^[1]

[1]: (Hudson 2010, 5)

None of the native peoples developed a system of writing comparable to that of the Mayas, and much less would the Spaniards encounter a native empire such as that of either the Aztecs or Incas. By 1500 A.D., the most advanced of the indigenous peoples were two Chibcha groups: the Taironas and the Muiscas." ^[1]

[1]: (Hudson 2010, 5)

"Like in many other past and present societies in the Americas and elsewhere (see Gasson 2000, Graeber 1996, Insoll and Shaw 1997, Ploeg 2004, Scaramelli and Scaramelli 2005) beads were probably used as a medium of exchange and sign of wealth and status. The presence of loose beads in these deposits may indeed be a form of conspicuous consumption that simultaneously adds enormous value to a place, as in the more than 800 beads recovered from a small section of a terrace at Ciudad Perdida, or work in similar fashion to the other objects. That is, by generating conditions and effects aimed at “capturing”, drawing in and “attracting” wealth. An alternate interpretation is that they may refer to bride price and their interment in these fill layers serves the double purpose of attracting wealth and women towards the household." ^[1] " Collars made of shell and stone beads were also objects of exchange. ^[2] Fish or salt could be traded for goods with high symbolic value which took a quasi-monetary position in a large area of circulation; among them textiles, coca leaves, volcanic stone beads, and gold objects. "Los bienes de este intercambio podían ser objetos como el pescado o la sal, a cambio de bienes de alto valor simbólico que tomaban una posi- ción cuasi-monetaria en una amplia área de circulación; entre éstos los textiles, hojas de coca, cuentas de rocas volcánicas (usadas en tiempos de la conquista para ofrendas, curación, intercambio, collares) (Reichel, 1951:85)) y objetos de oro." ^[3]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 282)

[2]: (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1951, 90)

[3]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 1990, 65)

The Indians of Pocigueica exchanged gold and cloth for salt and fish with the coastal groups. "Los indios de Pocigueica cambiaban oro y mantas por sal y pescado con los grupos de la costa (32, II, 18; 18, V, 282)" ^[1] Fish or salt could be traded for goods with high symbolic value which took a quasi-monetary position in a large area of circulation; among them textiles, coca leaves, volcanic stone beads, and gold objects. "Los bienes de este intercambio podían ser objetos como el pescado o la sal, a cambio de bienes de alto valor simbólico que tomaban una posi- ción cuasi-monetaria en una amplia área de circulación; entre éstos los textiles, hojas de coca, cuentas de rocas volcánicas (usadas en tiempos de la conquista para ofrendas, curación, intercambio, collares) (Reichel, 1951:85)) y objetos de oro." ^[2]

[1]: (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1951, 90)

[2]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 1990, 65)

The Indians of Pocigueica exchanged gold and cloth for salt and fish with the coastal groups. "Los indios de Pocigueica cambiaban oro y mantas por sal y pescado con los grupos de la costa (32, II, 18; 18, V, 282)" ^[1] Fish or salt could be traded for goods with high symbolic value which took a quasi-monetary position in a large area of circulation; among them textiles, coca leaves, volcanic stone beads, and gold objects. "Los bienes de este intercambio podían ser objetos como el pescado o la sal, a cambio de bienes de alto valor simbólico que tomaban una posi- ción cuasi-monetaria en una amplia área de circulación; entre éstos los textiles, hojas de coca, cuentas de rocas volcánicas (usadas en tiempos de la conquista para ofrendas, curación, intercambio, collares) (Reichel, 1951:85)) y objetos de oro." ^[2]

[1]: (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1951, 90)

[2]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 1990, 65)

"Broad resemblances to archaeologically documented Muisca dwellings are also evident (see Boada 1998, Henderson and Ostler 2005), excepting the presence of palisades and fences surrounding ruler’s compounds which are completely absent among the Tairona." ^[1] Simon mentions palisades in Bonda, made of coarse and thick wood. "Simón menciona de Bonda palizadas: "de leños gruesos y muy espesos" (32, V, 212)" ^[2] Pueblito: "It is also important to note that, in contradistinction to other pre-Hispanic groups of the Northern Andes contemporaneous with the Tairona, such as the better known Muisca of the Eastern Highlands (Boada 1998, Henderson and Ostler 2005, Villate 2001) or even the Calima and Malagana societies of the Cauca Valley (Cardale de Schrimpff and Bray 2005), the town itself, its plazas and their attendant structures were not enclosed at any time through palisades, fortifications, narrow corridors or other physical means used to restrict access and circulation." ^[3]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 30-1)

[2]: (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1951, 80)

[3]: (Giraldo 2010, 207)

"The architectural and topographic survey of Pueblito shows that the town itself seems to have no particular contours, limits, or a predetermined shape. Neither does Ciudad Perdida. There is no perimeter or defensive wall, of any shape or form, encircling it or bounding it, and clustered residential compounds were not organized into a definite form that can be interpreted as a spatial template that was being followed." ^[1]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 274)

"The architectural and topographic survey of Pueblito shows that the town itself seems to have no particular contours, limits, or a predetermined shape. Neither does Ciudad Perdida. There is no perimeter or defensive wall, of any shape or form, encircling it or bounding it, and clustered residential compounds were not organized into a definite form that can be interpreted as a spatial template that was being followed." ^[1]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 274)

"Since a great majority of the towns are located on hilltops with very steep slopes, this makes them easily defensible without having to add fortifications. Add to this that the only way of reaching these towns is by climbing in single file a narrow staircase emplaced on a 45, 50, or even 60 per cent slope and we begin to understand why the Spanish had such a hard time attacking and dominating these populations." ^[1]

[1]: (Giraldo 2009, 25)

No discussion in literature of this. In this case it is evidence of absence since this is in line with logical expectations for this late-complexity society.

"The architectural and topographic survey of Pueblito shows that the town itself seems to have no particular contours, limits, or a predetermined shape. Neither does Ciudad Perdida. There is no perimeter or defensive wall, of any shape or form, encircling it or bounding it, and clustered residential compounds were not organized into a definite form that can be interpreted as a spatial template that was being followed." ^[1]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 274)

"There are no doors or doorways, restricted passageways, labyrinthine corridors or walls physically restricting access to any structure within the towns. As a matter of fact, there are no town walls or enclosures for defense either." ^[1] Pueblito: "It is also important to note that, in contradistinction to other pre-Hispanic groups of the Northern Andes contemporaneous with the Tairona, such as the better known Muisca of the Eastern Highlands (Boada 1998, Henderson and Ostler 2005, Villate 2001) or even the Calima and Malagana societies of the Cauca Valley (Cardale de Schrimpff and Bray 2005), the town itself, its plazas and their attendant structures were not enclosed at any time through palisades, fortifications, narrow corridors or other physical means used to restrict access and circulation." ^[2]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 28)

[2]: (Giraldo 2010, 207)

"The architectural and topographic survey of Pueblito shows that the town itself seems to have no particular contours, limits, or a predetermined shape. Neither does Ciudad Perdida. There is no perimeter or defensive wall, of any shape or form, encircling it or bounding it, and clustered residential compounds were not organized into a definite form that can be interpreted as a spatial template that was being followed." ^[1]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 274)

"The architectural and topographic survey of Pueblito shows that the town itself seems to have no particular contours, limits, or a predetermined shape. Neither does Ciudad Perdida. There is no perimeter or defensive wall, of any shape or form, encircling it or bounding it, and clustered residential compounds were not organized into a definite form that can be interpreted as a spatial template that was being followed." ^[1]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 274)

"There are no doors or doorways, restricted passageways, labyrinthine corridors or walls physically restricting access to any structure within the towns. As a matter of fact, there are no town walls or enclosures for defense either." ^[1]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 28)

"During shovel test sampling at Pueblito, the tang section of two steel knives was found. ^[1] Langebaek’s intent to understand the appropriation of Spanish weapons and tools, such as helmets, swords, arquebuses and steel axes, as a form of acculturation of Tairona caciques and warriors, is another mode of analysis which reduces the adoption of these goods to utilitarian terms. He supposes that these objects were automatically incorporated by the Taironas because of their inherent technological value, and that the Spaniards controlled the flow of goods. "El intento de Langebaek (1985:80- 84) por entender la apropiación de armas y herramientas españolas, notablemente los yelmos, espadas, arcabuces y hachas de acero, por parte de los guerreros y caciques taironas como una forma de aculturación, es otro modo de análisis que reduce la adopción de estos bienes a términos utilitarios. Se supone entonces que estos objetos fueron automáticamente incorporados por los taironas debido a su eficacia tecnológica inherente, y eran los españoles quienes controlaban el flujo de los bienes." ^[2] In [Ciudad Perdida], a few foreign elements of European origin were found, especially steel objects like axes, machetes or halberds. "En el sitio se han encontrado algunos elementos foráneos de orígen europeo, especialmente objetos de hierro (hachas, machetes, alabardas, etc.)." ^[3]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 316)

[2]: (Giraldo 2000, 50)

[3]: (Cadavid Camargo and Groot de Mahecha 1987)

As far as I know, there was no iron in indigenous South America (bronze was used, and most weapons were of stone)

Copper Metallurgy present. Tairona goldsmiths used copper-rich alloys, some as high as 10-20% copper in weight. Twelve Tairona objects analyzed show ternary alloys with high copper content. (334-337) ^[1]

[1]: Scott, D. and Meyers, P. 1994. Archaeometry of Pre-Columbian Sites and Artifacts: Proceedings of a Symposium organized by the UCLA Institute of Archaeology and the Getty Conservation Institute, Los Angeles, California, March 23–27, 1992. Getty Publications.

copper and bronze in the Spanish Colonial period

No discussion in literature of this. In this case it is evidence of absence since this is in line with logical expectations for this late-complexity society.

No discussion in literature of this. In this case it is evidence of absence since this is in line with logical expectations for this late-complexity society.

"There is a close relationship between palms and areas of human activity in the archaeological past. This relationship is born out at Ciudad Perdida where Dictyocaryum schultzei (ivory-nut palm) predominates in the neighboring rainforest. The importance of this palm is in construction of roofs and walls. A dense population of Bactris sp. at 920 masl also relates to Ciudad Perdida. This palm, known as “chonta”, was important for making archers’ bows and other tools." ^[1] More details about archery given by Reichel-Dolmatoff: the arrows could be made of wood or stingray spine, and there were also bow-tensors. They had fire arrows and poison arrows. "Los indios de Bonda tenían arcos, flechas, carcajs y macanas (32, V, 35) y usaban también tensores de arco (32, IV, 368; 2, I, 96) así como también flechas incendarias con las puntas envueltas en algodón (32, V, 205-212; 28, 739) y flechas silbantes (8, 258). Los indios de Gaira usaban asimismo arco y flecha (23, VI, 137). Las puntas de flecha eran de madera o de espina de raya, según menciona Oviedo en Santa Marta (23, VI, 136) y estaban generalmente envenedadas (8, 258). Los indios del Valle de Tairona tenian flechas, dardos, macanas y usaban también piedras como proyectiles (32, II, 49); los del rio Don Diego y Taironaca usaban arcos, flechas, carcajs y macanas (8, 323; 32, IV, 358)." ^[2]

[1]: (Oyuela-Caycedo 2008, 423)

[2]: (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1951, 87)

No discussion in literature of this. In this case it is evidence of absence since this is in line with logical expectations for this late-complexity society.

No discussion in literature of this. In this case it is evidence of absence since this is in line with logical expectations for this late-complexity society.

No discussion in literature of this. In this case it is evidence of absence since this is in line with logical expectations for this late-complexity society.

According to Castellanos, the bows were not small, but were coarse and the wood badly carved. "Castellanos dice: "Tienen flechas y arcos no pequeños, gruesos, y mal labrada la madera" (8, 258)" ^[1]

[1]: (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1951, 87)

They were used in 1530 CE: "After all, the new fields were planted, the bows, arrows and maces furnished, the poisoned darts produced and the warriors concentrated under a single head. The objectives of the Chief of Bonda were met, and he gained prestige within his ranks and the Spanish, accumulated corn and for the time being gained political dominance (Tovar 1993)." ^[1] The Bonda indians had bows, arrows, quivers and clubs: "Los indios de Bonda tenían arcos, flechas, carcajs y macanas (32, V, 35)" ^[2]

[1]: (Dever 2007, 200)

[2]: (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1951, 87)

Langebaek’s intent to understand the appropriation of Spanish weapons and tools, such as helmets, swords, arquebuses and steel axes, as a form of acculturation of Tairona caciques and warriors, is another mode of analysis which reduces the adoption of these goods to utilitarian terms. He supposes that these objects were automatically incorporated by the Taironas because of their inherent technological value, and that the Spaniards controlled the flow of goods. "El intento de Langebaek (1985:80- 84) por entender la apropiación de armas y herramientas españolas, notablemente los yelmos, espadas, arcabuces y hachas de acero, por parte de los guerreros y caciques taironas como una forma de aculturación, es otro modo de análisis que reduce la adopción de estos bienes a términos utilitarios. Se supone entonces que estos objetos fueron automáticamente incorporados por los taironas debido a su eficacia tecnológica inherente, y eran los españoles quienes controlaban el flujo de los bienes." ^[1]

[1]: (Giraldo 2000, 50)

In [Ciudad Perdida], a few foreign elements of European origin were found, especially steel objects like axes, machetes or halberds. "En el sitio se han encontrado algunos elementos foráneos de orígen europeo, especialmente objetos de hierro (hachas, machetes, alabardas, etc.)." ^[1]

[1]: (Cadavid Camargo and Groot de Mahecha 1987)

"During shovel test sampling at Pueblito, the tang section of two steel knives was found." ^[1] Probably Spanish? The Tairona didn’t have steel.

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 316)

"During the sampling process, the shovel tests also revealed that Tairona period objects such as complete cooking vessels, treasure jars, drinking cups, miniature pots, axeheads, and beads were intentionally deposited in the layer of fill below the terrace surface (Figure 3.13)." ^[1] Returning to the problem of the axes, archaeological evidence is clearer, as they are consistently associated with other polished stone artefacts. We can discard the idea that the Taironas used them in warfare, as there is enough ethnohistorical evidence showing that they were archers who occasionally used clubs for combat. "Volviendo al problema de las hachas, la evidencia arqueológica es algo más clara, ya que constantemente aparecen asociadas a otros tipos de artefactos en piedra pulida. Podemos dar por descontado el que los taironas las usaran en la guerra, ya que hay suficiente evidencia etnohistórica que demuestra que eran "indios flecheros" que usaban el arco y ocasionalmente macanas para el combate (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1951:87)." ^[2]

[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 106)

[2]: (Giraldo 2000, 60)

Not native to region.

Not native to region.

Not native to region.

The Taironas had dogs. No mention for the use of warfare, just that on one occasion it is recorded that the Spaniards killed some young dogs because they couldn’t bark. "Acerca de los llamados "perros mudos" Oviedo nos cuenta de Santa Marta: "Este día mataron los españoles tres o quatro perrillos pequeños, gozques y mudos, porque no saben ladrar..." (23, VI, 138)." ^[1]

[1]: (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1951, 82)

Not native to region.

No discussion in literature of this. In this case it is evidence of absence since this is in line with logical expectations for this late-complexity society.

No discussion in literature of this. In this case it is evidence of absence since this is in line with logical expectations for this late-complexity society.

No discussion in literature of this. In this case it is evidence of absence since this is in line with logical expectations for this late-complexity society.

Langebaek’s intent to understand the appropriation of Spanish weapons and tools, such as helmets, swords, arquebuses and steel axes, as a form of acculturation of Tairona caciques and warriors, is another mode of analysis which reduces the adoption of these goods to utilitarian terms. He supposes that these objects were automatically incorporated by the Taironas because of their inherent technological value, and that the Spaniards controlled the flow of goods. "El intento de Langebaek (1985:80- 84) por entender la apropiación de armas y herramientas españolas, notablemente los yelmos, espadas, arcabuces y hachas de acero, por parte de los guerreros y caciques taironas como una forma de aculturación, es otro modo de análisis que reduce la adopción de estos bienes a términos utilitarios. Se supone entonces que estos objetos fueron automáticamente incorporados por los taironas debido a su eficacia tecnológica inherente, y eran los españoles quienes controlaban el flujo de los bienes." ^[1]

[1]: (Giraldo 2000, 50)

No discussion in literature of this. In this case it is evidence of absence since this is in line with logical expectations for this late-complexity society.