The forested foothills of the Andes, near the border between Ecuador and Peru, have long been inhabited by the Shuar, subsistence horticulturalists living in autonomous residential hamlets. There are many Shuar groups, but here we focus specifically on the Ecuadorian group commonly known simply as ’Shuar’. Europeans - specifically, Spaniards - first encountered the Shuar in the 16th century and soon imposed tributes, which the Shuar paid, in increasing amounts, until they rebelled in 1599, driving the Spanish out of the region. Indeed, the Shuar were able to ward off outside interference up until 1930, just as they were able to avoid being subjugated by the Inca. In 1930, Catholic missionaries persuaded the Ecuadorian government to provide a reservation for the Shuar.
[1]
Population and political organization
Authority among the Shuar was mostly informal and local, and resided in men referred to as unyä (’big’ or ’old’ men) or kakaram (’powerful ones’). These were usually renowned warriors or shamans, but they in fact acquired their reputation by being old enough to have grandchildren, as well as through their friendliness, honesty and generosity in dealing with others. The unyä or kakaram were believed to be able to curse to death anyone who angered them.
[1]
The scholarly literature does not provide population estimates, even for the more recent period. Indeed, writing in the 1920s, the ethnographer Fritz W. Up de Graff declared that obtaining accurate statistics relating to the Shuar was an ’impossible task’ due to their migratory habits and commitment to concealing their true numbers from potential enemies.
[2]
[1]: (Beierle 2006) Beierle, John. 2006. “Culture Summary: Jivaro.” eHRAF World Cultures. http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=sd09-000. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/NDIQCQZP.
[2]: (Up de Graff 1923, 192-93) Up de Graff, Fritz W. 1923. Head Hunters of the Amazon: Seven Years of Exploration and Adventure. London: H. Jenkins. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/XD3S3HVP.
| 18 M |
| Shuar - Late |
| none |
| Shuar | |
| Achuara | |
| Aguaruna | |
| Huambisa | |
| Mayna | |
| Chívari | |
| Chiwaro | |
| Gíbari | |
| Givari | |
| Gívaro | |
| Híbaro | |
| Jibaro | |
| Jívara | |
| Jívira | |
| Síwaro | |
| Xívari | |
| Xivaro | |
| Zíbaro |
| none |
| Amazonia |
| Republic of Ecuador |
| 5,500,000 km2 |
| continuity |
| Preceding: Shuar - Colonial (ec_shuar_1) [continuity] |
| quasi-polity |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| present |
| absent |
| absent |
| present |
| present |
| present |
| present |
| absent |
| present |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| present |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| present |
| present |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| present |
| present |
| present |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| unknown |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| absent |
| Year Range | Shuar - Ecuadorian (ec_shuar_2) was in: |
|---|---|
| (1831 CE 1931 CE) | Lowland Andes |
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations. These groups include the Achuar who straddle the Ecuadorian-Peruvian border near the Pastaza River; the Aguarun settled near the Marañon River in Peru, and the Wampis in Peru who straddle the Santiago River.’ [1]
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
Ecuador was governed from Quito: ’Quito, in full Villa de San Francisco de Quito, of Ecuador. It is situated on the lower slopes of the volcano Pichincha, which last erupted in 1666, in a narrow Andean valley at an elevation of 9,350 feet (2,850 metres), just south of the Equator. The oldest of all South American capitals, Quito is notable for its well-preserved old town, which was designated a UNESCO World Heritage site in 1978. The area was a market centre and political frontier before its conquest by the Inca empire, which led to its fortification as an Inca settlement. Sebastián de Belalcázar, a lieutenant of the Spanish conquistador Francisco Pizarro, occupied the city on December 6, 1534, and declared a municipal government (cabildo). (Founder’s Day, December 6, is marked with a weeklong celebration.) Quito remained the focal point of national affairs-political, social, and economic-until the early 20th century, when economic dominance shifted to Guayaquil.’ [1] ’The people of Quito, the Ecuadoran capital, claim that it was the scene of the first Ecuadoran patriot uprising against Spanish rule (1809). Invading from Colombia in 1822, the armies of Simón Bolívar and Antonio José de Sucre came to the aid of Ecuadoran rebels, and on May 24 Sucre won the decisive Battle of Pichincha on a mountain slope near Quito, thus assuring Ecuadoran independence.’ [2] The Shuar population was not organized around a capital, and bureaucratic penetration of Jivaro territory was slow during the colonial period. We have therefore opted not to include Quito in the code.
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Quito
[2]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Ecuador/Cultural-life#toc25824
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations.
Ecuador gained independence in the first half of the 19th century: ’The people of Quito, the Ecuadoran capital, claim that it was the scene of the first Ecuadoran patriot uprising against Spanish rule (1809). Invading from Colombia in 1822, the armies of Simón Bolívar and Antonio José de Sucre came to the aid of Ecuadoran rebels, and on May 24 Sucre won the decisive Battle of Pichincha on a mountain slope near Quito, thus assuring Ecuadoran independence.’ [1] ’Ecuador’s early history as a country was a tormented one. For some eight years it formed, together with what are now the countries of Panama, Colombia, and Venezuela, the confederation of Gran Colombia. But on May 13, 1830, after a period of protracted regional rivalries, Ecuador seceded and became a separate independent republic.’ [1] In the early 20th century, Ecuador increasingly felt the repercussions of global economic and political developments: ’The period between 1925 and 1948 was one of greater turbulence than Ecuador had ever known. Increasing involvement in the world market and in international politics meant that the country could no longer escape entanglements and the consequences of world ideological conflicts. Yet during this crucial period, Ecuador’s internal disunity prevented the modernization of its social structure, land tenure system, education, and communications. Thus, the country was badly equipped to face the demands of the age.’ [1] Despite of trade networks involving both indigenous and settler populations, bureaucratic and coercive penetration of Shuar territory was slow during the early Ecuadorian period (see below).
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Ecuador/Cultural-life#toc25824
SCCS variable 84 ’Higher Political Organization’ is coded ‘1’ ‘Absent’, not ’Peace group’, ’Absent’, ’Alliances’, ’Confederation’, or ’International organization’. After the secession from Spain and Gran Colombia, Ecuador became an independent republic: ’The people of Quito, the Ecuadoran capital, claim that it was the scene of the first Ecuadoran patriot uprising against Spanish rule (1809). Invading from Colombia in 1822, the armies of Simón Bolívar and Antonio José de Sucre came to the aid of Ecuadoran rebels, and on May 24 Sucre won the decisive Battle of Pichincha on a mountain slope near Quito, thus assuring Ecuadoran independence.’ [1] ’Ecuador’s early history as a country was a tormented one. For some eight years it formed, together with what are now the countries of Panama, Colombia, and Venezuela, the confederation of Gran Colombia. But on May 13, 1830, after a period of protracted regional rivalries, Ecuador seceded and became a separate independent republic.’ [1] ’The period between 1925 and 1948 was one of greater turbulence than Ecuador had ever known. Increasing involvement in the world market and in international politics meant that the country could no longer escape entanglements and the consequences of world ideological conflicts. Yet during this crucial period, Ecuador’s internal disunity prevented the modernization of its social structure, land tenure system, education, and communications. Thus, the country was badly equipped to face the demands of the age.’ [1] The Jivaro did not form any permanent alliances with external forces, military cooperation being of an ad hoc nature: ’“At the present time the political organization of the Jivaros is at best a very flexible thing and is simple both in theory and in practice. The Jivaro-speaking peoples are divided into scores of so-called tribes. These tribal divisions, however, are merely artificial denominations given by the whites to groups more or less isolated in certain geographical units such as rivers or divides. Tribes in this sense have no existence in the minds of the Indians themselves.’ [2] ’The simplest unit of organization is the patrilineal family group living under a single roof. Such a household is quite independent and self-sufficient, being subservient to no one. The head of the [39] household is usually the oldest man in it, known by the Spanish term ‘capito.’ Where there are a number of houses in the same general vicinity these may recognize a common war leader known by the Quechua term ‘curaka.’ It is significant that there is apparently no word in the Jivaro language indicating the equivalent of our idea of a chief.”’ [2] ’The chieftain is called kuháku. In the case of disputes within the group he has no executive, but only advisory powers. He has no greater number of wives than any other respected member of the community.’ [3] ’“A typical unit or group under a curaka [KS: head of the household]consists of six or seven houses, each with its capito [KS: common war leader], situated over an area of 5 or 6 miles on some small river. Such a group has no name to designate it other than that of the stream on which it is located. The blood ties in such a group are likely to be rather close. All groupings of the Jivaros other than the household group proper, which is a natural family unit, are traceable directly to the custom of blood revenge. Such groups are in the nature of loose alliances for defensive or offensive warfare. Insomuch as war raids are purely in the nature of feuds, these alliances are never very extensive or very permanent.”’ [4] ’“The power of the curaka [KS: head of the household] is purely advisory and is confined to warfare. He had no authority to order men against their will for any purpose, even that of fighting. The curaka has no special insignia denoting rank and has no special privileges, other than the prestige which his position gives him. He holds his position only as long as he retains his personal influence with the group. Realinements of household groups are frequent as leaders lose prestige or die.”’ [5] ’“The number of households under the influence of a given curaka is subject to a great deal of fluctuation. It frequently happens that a strong curaka will build up a fairly powerful group of warriors about him. A weak curaka or capito may have a blood-revenge killing to attend to but will find himself outnumbered by the enemy to such an extent that he is afraid to attempt a killing with his own group. In this event he is likely to call upon the strong curaka to arrange the killing for him, paying him with a gun or a woman. Often, too, a weak curaka, fearing that his group would not be able successfully to defend themselves against an attack from enemies, will voluntarily place himself and his group under the influence of the strong curaka in a loose sort of alliance. In this way the strong group tends to grow and to become even stronger until one curaka may have 8 or 10 lesser curakas more or less under his control. This state of affairs is usually not very permanent. Owing to the loose organization and lack of any real power on the part of the head curaka, the large group becomes unwieldy or develops diverse interests and it tends to split up again into independent units. Consequently, in as little as 2 or 3 years’ time, the original head curaka may find that one or more of his former lieutenants are now stronger than he.”’ [6] ’Although on some occasions considerable numbers of Jivaros unite for the purpose of war raids, or in defense against attack from invaders, their decentralized manner of living makes this rather difficult. Living as they do in individual houses, each containing a few families at most, and separated one from the other by considerable distances, there is no concentration of population at any one place such as would tend to produce large engagements.”’ [7] ’Four or five years ago there was a strong chief on the Upano River named Tuki, known to the Ecuadoreans as José Grande. In the manner previously described, all of the curakas from Macas on the Upano River to Mendez on the Paute River became subchiefs under him until he was generally recognized as the strongest of all of the Jivaro curakas. However, he was beginning to grow old by this time and some of his subcurakas were strong men in their own right. About 2 years ago, Ambusha, who had been gradually gaining in power and becoming famous for his head-hunting activities, split off with his own group, taking several curakas and their men with him. A little later Utita did the same thing. At the time of the writer’s visit (1931), although Tuki was recognized by the Government of Ecuador as being head chief of the Macas-Mendez region, actually he had lost all power excepting that over his own family group and was in reality no more than a capito. These divisions of the organization, if it may be termed such, took place apparently without any ill-feeling or formal announcements.’ [8]
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Ecuador/Cultural-life#toc25824
[2]: Stirling, Matthew Williams 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians”, 38p
[3]: Tessmann, Günter, b. 1884. 1930. “Indians Of Northeastern Peru”, 360
[4]: Stirling, Matthew Williams 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians”, 39p
[5]: Stirling, Matthew Williams 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians", 39p
[6]: Stirling, Matthew Williams 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians”, 39
[7]: Stirling, Matthew Williams 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians”, 42
[8]: Stirling, Matthew Williams 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians”, 40
The names of the relevant groups are: ’Shuar (Shuara), Achuara (Atchuara, Achual), Aguaruna, Huambisa (Huambiza), Mayna’ [1] From the colonial period onwards, contact with Spanish and later Ecuadorian settler populations and traders needs to be factored in: ’The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.’ [2] ’Much of the trade of the Jivaro is between the "interior", relatively isolated groups (particularly the Achuara) and those "frontier" groups living in close proximity to Ecuadorian settlements where they have easy access to Western industrialized products. Through a series of neighborhood-to-neighborhood relays by native trading partners (AMIGRI) these products were passed from the frontier Jivaro into the most remote parts of the tribal territory. Thus the interior Jivaro were supplied with steel cutting tools, firearms and ammunition without having to come into contact with the population of European ancestry. In exchange the frontier Jivaro, whose supply of local game was nearly exhausted, obtained hides, feathers and bird skins (used for ornaments), which were not readily available in their own territory.’ [2] ’By 1899, when the explorer Up de Graff ascended the Marañón, Barranca was considered the westernmost outpost of civilization on the river (1923:146). It had, nevertheless, withstood its own share of Indian attacks (Larrabure i Correa 1905/II:369; IX:357-367). Less than a year prior to Up de Graff’s visit, Barranca was nearly devastated by a party of Huambisas who arrived from upriver ostensibly to trade, but then burned and looted most of the cauchero quarters (Up de Graff 1923:150).’ [3] ’By the turn of the century, when Ecuadorian missionaries had reunited some of the scattered refugees and reestablished their town on the Bobonaza River, there were at least a dozen caucheros exploiting rubber along western tributaries of the middle Pastaza such as the Huasaga (Fuentes 1908/I:194ff.), which was gradually being occupied by southward-moving Achuarä.’ [4] eHRAF groups the Shuar with other indigenous societies of the Amazon-Orinoco area [5] . Wikipedia gives the size of Amazonia as 5,500,000 square kilometres [6] .
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAf Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
[2]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
[3]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 91
[4]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 89
[5]: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/ehrafe/browseCultures.do?context=main#region=7
From the 1930s onwards, Ecuadorian incursions into Shuar territory intensified: ’In the 1930s a gold rush to the area once again brought about intense fighting between the Jivaro and the new arrivals, but the Roman Catholic Salesians, who had a mission among the Jivaro, were able to stop the fighting by persuading the Ecuadorian government to provide a reservation for the Jivaro. Since then, relations between the Jivaro and non-Indians have been essentially peaceful, although the Jivaro cannot be considered completely pacified.’ [1]
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
km squared. The names of the relevant groups are: ’Shuar (Shuara), Achuara (Atchuara, Achual), Aguaruna, Huambisa (Huambiza), Mayna’ [1] From the colonial period onwards, contact with Spanish and later Ecuadorian settler populations and traders needs to be factored in: ’The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.’ [2] ’Much of the trade of the Jivaro is between the "interior", relatively isolated groups (particularly the Achuara) and those "frontier" groups living in close proximity to Ecuadorian settlements where they have easy access to Western industrialized products. Through a series of neighborhood-to-neighborhood relays by native trading partners (AMIGRI ) these products were passed from the frontier Jivaro into the most remote parts of the tribal territory. Thus the interior Jivaro were supplied with steel cutting tools, firearms and ammunition without having to come into contact with the population of European ancestry. In exchange the frontier Jivaro, whose supply of local game was nearly exhausted, obtained hides, feathers and bird skins (used for ornaments), which were not readily available in their own territory.’ [2] ’By 1899, when the explorer Up de Graff ascended the Marañón, Barranca was considered the westernmost outpost of civilization on the river (1923:146). It had, nevertheless, withstood its own share of Indian attacks (Larrabure i Correa 1905/II:369; IX:357-367). Less than a year prior to Up de Graff’s visit, Barranca was nearly devastated by a party of Huambisas who arrived from upriver ostensibly to trade, but then burned and looted most of the cauchero quarters (Up de Graff 1923:150).’ [3] ’By the turn of the century, when Ecuadorian missionaries had reunited some of the scattered refugees and reestablished their town on the Bobonaza River, there were at least a dozen caucheros exploiting rubber along western tributaries of the middle Pastaza such as the Huasaga (Fuentes 1908/I:194ff.), which was gradually being occupied by southward-moving Achuarä.’ [4] The peculiarities of the colonial situation make an estimate of the scale of supracultural interaction more difficult. eHRAF groups the Shuar with other indigenous societies of the Amazon-Orinoco area [5] . Wikipedia gives the size of Amazonia as 5,500,000 square kilometres [6] .
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAf Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
[2]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
[3]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 91
[4]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 89
[5]: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/ehrafe/browseCultures.do?context=main#region=7
The state of Ecuador seceded first from the Spanish Crown, then from the federation of Gran Colombia: ’The people of Quito, the Ecuadoran capital, claim that it was the scene of the first Ecuadoran patriot uprising against Spanish rule (1809). Invading from Colombia in 1822, the armies of Simón Bolívar and Antonio José de Sucre came to the aid of Ecuadoran rebels, and on May 24 Sucre won the decisive Battle of Pichincha on a mountain slope near Quito, thus assuring Ecuadoran independence.’ [1] ’Ecuador’s early history as a country was a tormented one. For some eight years it formed, together with what are now the countries of Panama, Colombia, and Venezuela, the confederation of Gran Colombia. But on May 13, 1830, after a period of protracted regional rivalries, Ecuador seceded and became a separate independent republic.’ [1]
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Ecuador/Cultural-life#toc25824
(Relationship): The state of Ecuador seceded first from the Spanish Crown, then from the federation of Gran Colombia: ’The people of Quito, the Ecuadoran capital, claim that it was the scene of the first Ecuadoran patriot uprising against Spanish rule (1809). Invading from Colombia in 1822, the armies of Simón Bolívar and Antonio José de Sucre came to the aid of Ecuadoran rebels, and on May 24 Sucre won the decisive Battle of Pichincha on a mountain slope near Quito, thus assuring Ecuadoran independence.’
[1]
’Ecuador’s early history as a country was a tormented one. For some eight years it formed, together with what are now the countries of Panama, Colombia, and Venezuela, the confederation of Gran Colombia. But on May 13, 1830, after a period of protracted regional rivalries, Ecuador seceded and became a separate independent republic.’
[1]
(Entity): Spain; Gran Colombia The state of Ecuador was preceded by the Spanish Crown in nominal authority. Ecuador gained independence in the first half of the 19th century: ’The people of Quito, the Ecuadoran capital, claim that it was the scene of the first Ecuadoran patriot uprising against Spanish rule (1809). Invading from Colombia in 1822, the armies of Simón Bolívar and Antonio José de Sucre came to the aid of Ecuadoran rebels, and on May 24 Sucre won the decisive Battle of Pichincha on a mountain slope near Quito, thus assuring Ecuadoran independence.’
[1]
’Ecuador’s early history as a country was a tormented one. For some eight years it formed, together with what are now the countries of Panama, Colombia, and Venezuela, the confederation of Gran Colombia. But on May 13, 1830, after a period of protracted regional rivalries, Ecuador seceded and became a separate independent republic.’
[1]
While initially subject to Spanish colonial incursions, the Shuartribes later resisted successfully: ’The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.’
[2]
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Ecuador/Cultural-life#toc25824
[2]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
Authority among the Shuar was mostly informal and local: ’“At the present time the political organization of the Jivaros is at best a very flexible thing and is simple both in theory and in practice. The Jivaro-speaking peoples are divided into scores of so-called tribes. These tribal divisions, however, are merely artificial denominations given by the whites to groups more or less isolated in certain geographical units such as rivers or divides. Tribes in this sense have no existence in the minds of the Indians themselves.’ [1] ’The simplest unit of organization is the patrilineal family group living under a single roof. Such a household is quite independent and self-sufficient, being subservient to no one. The head of the [39] household is usually the oldest man in it, known by the Spanish term ‘capito.’ Where there are a number of houses in the same general vicinity these may recognize a common war leader known by the Quechua term ‘curaka.’ It is significant that there is apparently no word in the Jivaro language indicating the equivalent of our idea of a chief.”’ [1] ’The chieftain is called kuháku. In the case of disputes within the group he has no executive, but only advisory powers. He has no greater number of wives than any other respected member of the community.’ [2] ’“A typical unit or group under a curaka [KS: head of the household]consists of six or seven houses, each with its capito [KS: common war leader], situated over an area of 5 or 6 miles on some small river. Such a group has no name to designate it other than that of the stream on which it is located. The blood ties in such a group are likely to be rather close. All groupings of the Jivaros other than the household group proper, which is a natural family unit, are traceable directly to the custom of blood revenge. Such groups are in the nature of loose alliances for defensive or offensive warfare. Insomuch as war raids are purely in the nature of feuds, these alliances are never very extensive or very permanent.”’ [3] ’“The power of the curaka [KS: head of the household] is purely advisory and is confined to warfare. He had no authority to order men against their will for any purpose, even that of fighting. The curaka has no special insignia denoting rank and has no special privileges, other than the prestige which his position gives him. He holds his position only as long as he retains his personal influence with the group. Realinements of household groups are frequent as leaders lose prestige or die.”’ [4] ’“The number of households under the influence of a given curaka is subject to a great deal of fluctuation. It frequently happens that a strong curaka will build up a fairly powerful group of warriors about him. A weak curaka or capito may have a blood-revenge killing to attend to but will find himself outnumbered by the enemy to such an extent that he is afraid to attempt a killing with his own group. In this event he is likely to call upon the strong curaka to arrange the killing for him, paying him with a gun or a woman. Often, too, a weak curaka, fearing that his group would not be able successfully to defend themselves against an attack from enemies, will voluntarily place himself and his group under the influence of the strong curaka in a loose sort of alliance. In this way the strong group tends to grow and to become even stronger until one curaka may have 8 or 10 lesser curakas more or less under his control. This state of affairs is usually not very permanent. Owing to the loose organization and lack of any real power on the part of the head curaka, the large group becomes unwieldy or develops diverse interests and it tends to split up again into independent units. Consequently, in as little as 2 or 3 years’ time, the original head curaka may find that one or more of his former lieutenants are now stronger than he.”’ [5] ’Although on some occasions considerable numbers of Jivaros unite for the purpose of war raids, or in defense against attack from invaders, their decentralized manner of living makes this rather difficult. Living as they do in individual houses, each containing a few families at most, and separated one from the other by considerable distances, there is no concentration of population at any one place such as would tend to produce large engagements.”’ [6] This decentralized pattern even applied to more prominent leaders: ’Four or five years ago there was a strong chief on the Upano River named Tuki, known to the Ecuadoreans as José Grande. In the manner previously described, all of the curakas from Macas on the Upano River to Mendez on the Paute River became subchiefs under him until he was generally recognized as the strongest of all of the Jivaro curakas. However, he was beginning to grow old by this time and some of his subcurakas were strong men in their own right. About 2 years ago, Ambusha, who had been gradually gaining in power and becoming famous for his head-hunting activities, split off with his own group, taking several curakas and their men with him. A little later Utita did the same thing. At the time of the writer’s visit (1931), although Tuki was recognized by the Government of Ecuador as being head chief of the Macas-Mendez region, actually he had lost all power excepting that over his own family group and was in reality no more than a capito. These divisions of the organization, if it may be termed such, took place apparently without any ill-feeling or formal announcements.’ [7] While Ecuador claimed nominal sovereignty over the Oriente, bureaucratic control was low and no regular governmental officials were present in Shuar communities. The Shuar themselves did not recognize Ecuadorian rule: ’“Rising in the western foothills of the Cordillera Oriental the Rio Zamora flows through Loja, where it is joined by the Rio Malacatos. ( ) Ten miles farther north, in confluence with the Rio de las Juntas, it breaks through the Andes and enters the province of Oriente, the Amazon region of Ecuador, comprising a northwestern part of the basin of the great river. Vast in extent and largely unknown, unexplored and unmapped, this territory has always been a bone of contention among the republics of Ecuador, Colombia, and Peru. But although the particular portion of it which I visited, on a reconnaissance of the Rio Zamora, was supposedly under the sovereignty of Ecuador, no evidence of administrative authority was to be found there, nor did the savages of the Jíbaro tribe who live there acknowledge allegiance to the government at Quito.”’ [8] Accordingly, ’quasi-polity’ most closely reflects the realities on the ground.
[1]: Stirling, Matthew Williams 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians”, 38p
[2]: Tessmann, Günter, b. 1884. 1930. “Indians Of Northeastern Peru”, 360
[3]: Stirling, Matthew Williams 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians”, 39p
[4]: Stirling, Matthew Williams 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians", 39p
[5]: Stirling, Matthew Williams 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians”, 39
[6]: Stirling, Matthew Williams 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians”, 42
[7]: Stirling, Matthew Williams 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians”, 40
[8]: Hermessen, J. L. 1917. “Journey On The Rio Zamora, Ecuador”, 435
The Shaur language is often referred to as ’Jivaro’ by scholars. ’The Jivaro language is named Šuor by those who use it and Aoka by the neighboring peoples. It is spoken by both men and women, the latter use no other dialect among themselves.’ [1] There is some disagreement on the precise linguistic grouping of relevant languages: ’It is generally believed that the Jivaro speak languages belonging to the Jivaroan Family of languages, but most historical linguists find it difficult to assign Jivaroan dialects and languages with any certainty to any of the recognized major language families of South American Indians. Greenberg, as noted in Harner (1973) has suggested that Jivaro as well as several other languages belong to a broad "Andean Equatorial" family (Harner, 1973: 13). In addition some Jivaro also speak Quechua as well as Spanish.’ [2] ’Jívaro, South American Indian people living in the Montaña (the eastern slopes of the Andes), in Ecuador and Peru north of the Marañón River. They speak a language of the Jebero-Jivaroan group.’ [3]
[1]: Flornoy, Bertrand, and Margaret Coughlin 1938. “Contribution To The Study Of The Jivaro Or Suor Language”, 333
[2]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
Inhabitants. Shuar settlements were small and residential: ’Each community is politically independent with its own headman. Each is also located four or more kilometers from their nearest neighboring community. The community is made up of patrilineally and affinally related individuals, traditionally consisting of from 80 to 300 people (30 to 40 people in the twentieth century), living in one house called a JIVARIA. For defensive purposes, this house is built on a steep hill usually at the upper end of a stream. The house itself is approximately 13 meters by 26 meters in size, elliptical in shape, and has a thatched roof. In times of war, two or more communities united to fight a common enemy, as was the case when the Spanish attempted to conquer them.’ [1] ’The Jívaro have a tropical-forest agriculture, growing cassava, corn (maize), sweet potatoes, and other crops supplemented by the gathering of wild fruits, fishing, and hunting. The blowgun and poisoned darts are their chief weapons. Related families live in a single large community house rather than in a village.’ [2] ’The houses are always very spacious since they have to serve more than one family. According to one of my informants, such a house is inhabited by up to 50 persons. As a rule it is the Curaca, as the chief, with his children and their wives and husbands. And since a Curaca may have up to ten wives, the great number of dwellers can be explained without difficulty. The aforementioned house of the Curaca Laichape had a width of 10 meters and a length of 15 meters. 20 - 30 persons lived in this house.’ [3] ’It is the rule that a settlement consists of only one house. Two houses, as I had seen them, for instance, in S. Antonio, are rarely found together. The various houses form, however, larger or smaller groups, separated from each other by forest and yet connected with each other by narrow footpaths. One such group has a definite name.’ [3] ’“Jivaro houses, it might be noted, are never built closely together after the manner of a village, but widely separated in the jungle, with greater resultant personal freedom and less squabbling amongst neighbours. A wise precaution which we in our country might emulate to advantage.”’ [4] Brüning accounts for some migration: ’The Indians are inhabitants of a region which extends along the upper course of the Marañón River, from Yusamaro downward to Puerto Meléndez at the Pongo de Manseriche. They live in this region in small and widely dispersed settlements close to the banks of the River. I have been informed that their chief settlements are located farther up along the tributary rivers. Beyond Yusamaro no Indians are said to remain anymore, yet formerly their settlements are said to have extended to the Pongo Rentema. They had moved down to the Marañón River on account of the quarrels they had with the whites or, rather, the mestizos. Their settlements can not be called permanent anyway. Despite the fact that the Indians live at one place for a long time, and in relatively permanent dwellings at that, they are said to leave their settlements frequently for no special reason in order to reestablish themselves again at some distance from the former settlement.’ [5] White settlers established colonial towns of varying permanence: ’By 1899, when the explorer Up de Graff ascended the Marañón, Barranca was considered the westernmost outpost of civilization on the river (1923:146). It had, nevertheless, withstood its own share of Indian attacks (Larrabure i Correa 1905/II:369; IX:357-367). Less than a year prior to Up de Graff’s visit, Barranca was nearly devastated by a party of Huambisas who arrived from upriver ostensibly to trade, but then burned and looted most of the cauchero quarters (Up de Graff 1923:150).’ [6] ’By the turn of the century, when Ecuadorian missionaries had reunited some of the scattered refugees and reestablished their town on the Bobonaza River, there were at least a dozen caucheros exploiting rubber along western tributaries of the middle Pastaza such as the Huasaga (Fuentes 1908/I:194ff.), which was gradually being occupied by southward-moving Achuarä.’ [7] Given that urban migration of Shuar did not set in significantly until later, the higher margin of the range provided below was coded for instead (see ’settlement hierarchy’).
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
[2]: http://www.britannica.com/topic/Jivaro
[3]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 52
[4]: Dyott, George Miller 1926. “On The Trail Of The Unknown In The Wilds Of Ecuador And The Amazon”, 160
[5]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 46
[6]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 91
[7]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 89
levels. SCCS variable 157 ’Scale 9-Political Integration’ is coded as ‘1’ or ‘None’.
(1) Residential Hamlets
The Shuar lived in autonomous residential hamlets (these are sometimes referred to as ’Jivaras’ by scholars): ’Each community is politically independent with its own headman. Each is also located four or more kilometers from their nearest neighboring community. The community is made up of patrilineally and affinally related individuals, traditionally consisting of from 80 to 300 people (30 to 40 people in the twentieth century), living in one house called a JIVARIA. For defensive purposes, this house is built on a steep hill usually at the upper end of a stream. The house itself is approximately 13 meters by 26 meters in size, elliptical in shape, and has a thatched roof. In times of war, two or more communities united to fight a common enemy, as was the case when the Spanish attempted to conquer them.’
[1]
The Jivaria housed the whole kin-based community: ’The Jívaro have a tropical-forest agriculture, growing cassava, corn (maize), sweet potatoes, and other crops supplemented by the gathering of wild fruits, fishing, and hunting. The blowgun and poisoned darts are their chief weapons. Related families live in a single large community house rather than in a village.’
[2]
’The houses are always very spacious since they have to serve more than one family. According to one of my informants, such a house is inhabited by up to 50 persons. As a rule it is the Curaca, as the chief, with his children and their wives and husbands. And since a Curaca may have up to ten wives, the great number of dwellers can be explained without difficulty. The aforementioned house of the Curaca Laichape had a width of 10 meters and a length of 15 meters. 20 - 30 persons lived in this house.’
[3]
’It is the rule that a settlement consists of only one house. Two houses, as I had seen them, for instance, in S. Antonio, are rarely found together. The various houses form, however, larger or smaller groups, separated from each other by forest and yet connected with each other by narrow footpaths. One such group has a definite name.’
[3]
’“Jivaro houses, it might be noted, are never built closely together after the manner of a village, but widely separated in the jungle, with greater resultant personal freedom and less squabbling amongst neighbours. A wise precaution which we in our country might emulate to advantage.”’
[4]
’Generally, there are many families living in a single house, usually about 15 people united by close family ties. The building has the form of an elongated ellipse( ) (fig. 10). the long axis of which measures 15 to 25 meters. The framework is made in the following manner: two posts about 4 meters high, placed in the foci of the ellipse, support a longitudinal ridge-pole, four other posts measuring about 3 meters in height, located on the periphery at the angles of the [584] rectangle inscribed in this ellipse, support two transverse longitudinal timbers which outline this rectangle. All this framework is of chonta wood (Bactris Iriartea) and the joints are secured with the aid of lianas. The walls( ) are made of cane-stalks (Guadua angustifolia) placed close together; in addition to this they are reinforced on the inside to a height of 1 50 from the ground by planks of chonta or caña about 5 cm. wide, arranged in such a manner that their joints never coincide with the interstices of the exterior wall. This precaution is for the purpose of preventing an enemy thrusting his lance through the fissures and striking the Jíbaro in his bed, which, as well shall see, is backed up against the partition. The battens are made of caña stalks spaced o 50 apart and placed in diverging rays from the longitudinal beam to the peripheral beams; cross-beams placed at the same distance from each other complete the lattice work upon which the roof rests; the roof is formed of little bundles of straw called cambana or of leaves of a kind of Pandanus (cambaalga), skillfully imbricated from the edges toward the center.’
[5]
Autonomous hamlets were separated by no-man’s lands: ’The redistribution of settlements and creation of no-man’s lands between them has been a repeated consequence of escalated hostilities between or within Jivaroan subgroups. The fact that these buffer zones may not be reoccupied or exploited for several decades is important to the reestablishment of game densities in zones that may have experienced considerable hunting over long periods of time. The relationship between game depletion, armed conflict, and no-man’s lands is explored below and in greater detail elsewhere (see Bennett Ross 1980:48,53).’
[6]
’The escalation of hostilities also may lead relatives to withdraw from home communities and unite at a single fortified settlement. However, attempts to construct separate dwellings and gardens require time and considerable effort, and the stress placed on the facilities and resources available to such communities provides an important impetus to reconcile the difficulties when possible.’
[7]
Hamlets were left behind and reestablished elsewhere periodically: ’The Indians are inhabitants of a region which extends along the upper course of the Marañón River, from Yusamaro downward to Puerto Meléndez at the Pongo de Manseriche. They live in this region in small and widely dispersed settlements close to the banks of the River. I have been informed that their chief settlements are located farther up along the tributary rivers. Beyond Yusamaro no Indians are said to remain anymore, yet formerly their settlements are said to have extended to the Pongo Rentema. They had moved down to the Marañón River on account of the quarrels they had with the whites or, rather, the mestizos. Their settlements can not be called permanent anyway. Despite the fact that the Indians live at one place for a long time, and in relatively permanent dwellings at that, they are said to leave their settlements frequently for no special reason in order to reestablish themselves again at some distance from the former settlement.’
[8]
During the early Ecuadorian period, there was apparently no significant migration of Shuar to colonial towns: ’By 1899, when the explorer Up de Graff ascended the Marañón, Barranca was considered the westernmost outpost of civilization on the river (1923:146). It had, nevertheless, withstood its own share of Indian attacks (Larrabure i Correa 1905/II:369; IX:357-367). Less than a year prior to Up de Graff’s visit, Barranca was nearly devastated by a party of Huambisas who arrived from upriver ostensibly to trade, but then burned and looted most of the cauchero quarters (Up de Graff 1923:150).’
[9]
’By the turn of the century, when Ecuadorian missionaries had reunited some of the scattered refugees and reestablished their town on the Bobonaza River, there were at least a dozen caucheros exploiting rubber along western tributaries of the middle Pastaza such as the Huasaga (Fuentes 1908/I:194ff.), which was gradually being occupied by southward-moving Achuarä.’
[10]
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
[2]: http://www.britannica.com/topic/Jivaro
[3]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 52
[4]: Dyott, George Miller 1926. “On The Trail Of The Unknown In The Wilds Of Ecuador And The Amazon”, 160
[5]: Rivet, Paul 1907. “Jivaro Indians: Geographic, Historical And Ethnographic Research”, 583p
[6]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 93
[7]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 96
[8]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 46
[9]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 91
[10]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 89
levels.
1. Higher Shaman
2. Lower Shaman.
"The relationship between the shaman supplying the magical power and the person receiving it is not a relationship between equals. The power-giver is referred to in these tribes as the ’higher’ shaman, and the recipient as the ’lower.’ The ’higher’ and ’lower’ designations refer to actual authority and control exercised by the giver of power over the recipient. The higher shaman, it is believed, can magically take back the power which he has conferred, regardless of the distance separating the two shamans (see pp. 165-66). He may take back this power because of a personal offense, or because he has been bribed to do so by an enemy of the lower shaman. Such occurrences are frequently reported, and there are a number of former shamans who testify that they lost their power in this manner."
[1]
"A sudden loss of shamanistic power is believed to result in serious illness and often in death. The lower shaman, therefore, tends to fear his higher associate and attempts to keep on good terms with him. With this purpose in mind, he sends tribute in the form of substantial gifts of material valuables (kuit) at regular intervals. Such kuit includes shotguns, hunting dogs, blowguns, curare, feather headbands (tawaspä), and Western-manufactured shirts and trousers. He particularly hopes that these gifts will offset any bribes that may be offered to the higher shaman."
[2]
"A secondary incentive for sending tribute is the need of the lower shaman to replenish his supply of magical darts [Page 122] every few years. His power, in the form of these spirit servants, is gradually used up through curing, bewitching, or dispensing it. He expects, therefore, to have to replenish his supply by visiting his higher associate. The lower shaman may look forward to help from the higher man only if he has been faithful in the submission of goods."
[3]
"Tribute between shamans flows from the south, since, of course, the most powerful shamans are in the north. The tribute follows the lines of the shaman hierarchies up into the Canelos tribe. These hierarchies do not converge upon a single Canelos shaman, however, because there are a number of banks of about equal power in the tribe. In other words, this is basically a system of plural and parallel hierarchies culminating in the same region, but not in the same individual."
[4]
"The hierarchical situation is further complicated by the fact that a given shaman frequently obtains magical power from several higher associates. He does this so that his power cannot be completely taken away from him at the whim of a single higher shaman. This tendency seems to prevent the hierarchies from being used as chains of authority. Since a shaman is thus often directly subordinate to several others, considerable intertwining of hierarchical relationships occurs."
[4]
[1]: Harner, Michael J. 1973. “Jívaro: People Of The Sacred Waterfalls”, 121
[2]: Harner, Michael J. 1973. “Jívaro: People Of The Sacred Waterfalls”, 121p
[3]: Harner, Michael J. 1973. “Jívaro: People Of The Sacred Waterfalls”, 121-22
[4]: Harner, Michael J. 1973. “Jívaro: People Of The Sacred Waterfalls”, 122
levels.
(31) Prominent War-Leaders; (2) Local Headmen and Leaders (Kakaram; Kuraka); (3) Citizen-soldiers or Warriors
Shuar military organization was informal, given the political autonomy of local groups: ’The Jivaro lack any formal political organization, although an informal form of leadership is found in the role of individuals referred to as UNYÄ ("big" or "old" men) or KAKARAM ("powerful" or "powerful ones") who are renown as killers in feuds or war, or exercise important shamanistic powers in the community. These individuals acquire their reputation in the community by being old enough to have grandchildren, and are friendly, honest, and generous in dealing with others in the society. Because of these characteristics the UNYÄ or KAKARAM are believed to possess great ARUTAM soul power and the ability to curse to death anyone who incurs their anger. Generally most neighborhoods have at least one or two UNYÄ as well as a few superior shamans who provide protection for their relatives or other individuals with whom they are on friendly terms.’
[1]
’Each community is politically independent with its own headman. Each is also located four or more kilometers from their nearest neighboring community. The community is made up of patrilineally and affinally related individuals, traditionally consisting of from 80 to 300 people (30 to 40 people in the twentieth century), living in one house called a JIVARIA. For defensive purposes, this house is built on a steep hill usually at the upper end of a stream. The house itself is approximately 13 meters by 26 meters in size, elliptical in shape, and has a thatched roof. In times of war, two or more communities united to fight a common enemy, as was the case when the Spanish attempted to conquer them.’
[1]
’Their society is thus based on the family and the blood tie. Only such sub-tribes as recognize some sort of consanguinity display a feeling of solidarity: the rest, although they speak the same language, are looked upon, not only as outsiders, but as downright natural enemies, a feature which will be further illustrated in the part dealing with their wars. It is as a rule between the different sub-tribes that the wars of extermination have occurred.’
[2]
Warriors were accordingly male members of feuding communities: ’The terrible custom demands ever new, ever more victims, all security must disappear, every individual constantly lives in danger of being ambushed; there is a general and permanent state of war. Hence the arrangement of the houses, one door of which can be used for flight, while the battle rages at the other; hence the customs mentioned at the beginning in connection with approaching a dwelling, for the protection of which, in addition, a pack of half-wild dogs are kept. A quarrel between two families must lead to battles between whole tribes; larger groups of tribes become hostile to one another; war and battle become customary, a man’s lifework. A longer period of quiet, of peace, must be unbearable for such a nation of warriors. Ambitious, bold leaders will easily find companions for joint war expeditions; the neighboring nations are attacked and plundered. Thus, these Indians are carrying on among themselves a war of annihilation which must gradually bring about their own downfall. Severe depopulation is already noticeable in the region of the Jívaros, and it is being accelerated by epidemics, of the diseases introduced by the Europeans, which appear with great violence at times.’
[3]
Warfare was deeply connected to headhunting: ’The primary motivation for warfare is to secure as many human heads as possible from an alien tribe, and secondarily to capture women. The acquisition of territory had never been a motive for engaging in warfare. The war party, consisting of approximately thirty or forty men, is recruited from the community itself or from friendly neighborhoods nearby, and is usually led by the or as war leader or chief. Actual warfare consists of preliminary ceremonies involving ritualized chanting, surprise attacks against one or two enemy houses, the killing and decapitation of the inhabitants or the occasional capture of a girl or woman as an extra wife, and the preparation of the on the return to the home village. Unlike many of the warlike Amazon tribes captives are not tortured or sacrificed, nor is cannibalism practiced.’
[1]
Local leaders and chiefs often combined ’political’ and ’military’ duties rather than separating them: ’“The dignity of a chieftain is hereditary in a relative sense, in so far that the son of a chief is generally elected chief in time of war after his father has died or grown decrepit. This, however, can only take place if he has proved a valiant and skilled warrior and has killed enemies. No Jibaro is selected as a chief if he has not killed at least one enemy. The Jibaros have absolute faith in the heritability of prominent qualities, and ascribe extraordinary importance to education and the power of example. The son of a great chief, they say, must necessarily also become an able warrior because he is, as it were, a direct continuation of his father, has received a careful education for the deeds of war, and has always had the good example of his great father before his eyes.”’
[4]
In times of war against external colonial enemies or larger tribal groups, different communities combined to attach themselves to a common war-leader, although even those arrangements were fluid and often of an ad hoc character. [Family and local leadership can extend beyond a single community; even in recent times (ie, in the 1970’s) some particularly strong men could aggregate several local groups in conflict situations and lead quite large war parties; however, such positions were unstable and rarely lasted more than a few years, if that. The definition of ‘community’ is highly relative; ‘my people’ can include a single nuclear family, or a collection of communities temporarily coalesced around a powerful war leader.] ’Still, as appears from their history, there have been occasions when they have been able to overcome the natural antipathy separating them from one another, and to unite against a common enemy. This common enemy has been the white man, who has so often threatened [184] the liberty of the people; but the alliances, such as that for instance in 1599, have been exceptional and wholly due to the influence of a single, eminent personality.”’
[5]
’ ’When a whole tribe, or perhaps several tribes together, prepare a war against one or more other tribes, the first thing done is to elect a common chief. He should be an elderly, experienced man, who has taken part in several wars, killed many enemies, and celebrated at least one victory feast. The rest of the warriors, who are generally younger men, swear him unlimited obedience. During the time the expedition is planned and the preparations are made, the warriors, and especially the chief, repeatedly drink maikoa or natéma to consult the spirits. They pay great attention to their dreams, even to those not produced under the direct influence of the narcotic drinks, tell them to each other, and discuss their possible significance. Only if they believe that they have received favourable answers and all omens are good are measures taken to carry out the war plan conceived. Meanwhile they try, through spies, to acquire as accurate a knowledge as possible about everything concerning the enemy: how many houses there are in the tract, how many fighting men in each house, if the houses are fortified, if the [283] men are well armed, and especially if they have firearms. All these and similar details the spies investigate by making trips into the country of the enemy and by stealing at night to the houses. Everything is prepared with the greatest secrecy possible, so that the enemy is caught unprepared, for otherwise he will have time to take measures of defence that may defeat the whole undertaking.”’
[6]
’“The authority of the chief elected for a war is very great. It is he alone who arranges everything for the expedition planned, who decides [268] about the time for and the mode of making the attack, and the younger warriors oblige themselves to obey him in everything. But as soon as a war has been carried to a successful end the power of the chief ceases, and he has, in spite of the great repute he always enjoys, no more authority or right to decide about the doings of his tribesmen than any other family-father among the Jibaros.”’
[7]
Ecuador recognized some of those leaders as regional head-chiefs: ’Four or five years ago there was a strong chief on the Upano River named Tuki, known to the Ecuadoreans as José Grande. In the manner previously described, all of the curakas from Macas on the Upano River to Mendez on the Paute River became subchiefs under him until he was generally recognized as the strongest of all of the Jivaro curakas. However, he was beginning to grow old by this time and some of his subcurakas were strong men in their own right. About 2 years ago, Ambusha, who had been gradually gaining in power and becoming famous for his head-hunting activities, split off with his own group, taking several curakas and their men with him. A little later Utita did the same thing. At the time of the writer’s visit (1931), although Tuki was recognized by the Government of Ecuador as being head chief of the Macas-Mendez region, actually he had lost all power excepting that over his own family group and was in reality no more than a capito. These divisions of the organization, if it may be termed such, took place apparently without any ill-feeling or formal announcements.’
[8]
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
[2]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru”, 183p
[3]: Reiss, W. (Wilhelm) 1880. “Visit Among The Jivaro Indians”, 13
[4]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru”, 267
[5]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru", 183p
[6]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru", 282p
[7]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru”, 267p
[8]: Stirling, Matthew Williams 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians”, 40
levels. According to the Ethnographic Atlas’ variable 33 ’Jurisdictional Hierarchy Beyond Local Community’ was ‘1’ or ’No levels (no political authority beyond community) (.0)’. SCCS variable 76 ’Community Leadership’ is coded as ‘1’ or ‘No centralized local leadership’. SCCS variable 237 ’Jurisdictional Hierarchy Beyond Local Community’ is coded as ‘1’ or ’No levels (no political authority beyond community)’.
1. Headmen doubling as Ad Hoc-Supralocal Leaders
2. Local Leaders (Kakaram) and Headmen or Chiefs (Kuraka)
Shuar political organization was local and informal: "The Jivaro lack any formal political organization, although an informal form of leadership is found in the role of individuals referred to as UNYÄ ("big" or "old" men) or KAKARAM ("powerful" or "powerful ones") who are renown as killers in feuds or war, or exercise important shamanistic powers in the community. These individuals acquire their reputation in the community by being old enough to have grandchildren, and are friendly, honest, and generous in dealing with others in the society. Because of these characteristics the UNYÄ or KAKARAM are believed to possess great ARUTAM soul power and the ability to curse to death anyone who incurs their anger. Generally most neighborhoods have at least one or two UNYÄ as well as a few superior shamans who provide protection for their relatives or other individuals with whom they are on friendly terms."
[1]
"If we may speak of a ‘government’, it is a purely patriarchal one, the head of the family and the owner of the house being at the same time the ‘chief’ of this small community, theoretically even with absolute power. It is of particular interest to see how he exercises this power in practice."
[2]
"The chief of this group is the one who by his endurance, his skill, his intelligence, his courage and also by luck imposes himself on the individuals of the neighborhood. His authority rests only on a tacit assent, carries no exterior emblem or sign, and in no case is transmitted by heredity to his descendants. His role is limited to the coordination of individual efforts in special circumstances. In times of peace he has no longer any special attributes. Occasionally, a peril or a common hate make allies of neighboring tribes, but these alliances are only temporary."
[3]
"Often, too, a weak curaka, fearing that his group would not be able successfully to defend themselves against an attack from enemies, will voluntarily place himself and his group under the influence of the strong curaka in a loose sort of alliance. In this way the strong group tends to grow and to become even stronger until one curaka may have 8 or 10 lesser curakas more or less under his control. This state of affairs is usually not very permanent. Owing to the loose organization and lack of any real power on the part of the head curaka, the large group becomes unwieldy or develops diverse interests and it tends to split up again into independent units. Consequently, in as little as 2 or 3 years’ time, the original head curaka may find that one or more of his former lieutenants are now stronger than he."
[4]
Some more prominent leaders emerged in times of war with external colonial powers, although even those arrangements were fluid. The following example relates to the Ecuadorian period, but it is possible that the Spanish also recognized overall leaders among the Shuar."Four or five years ago there was a strong chief on the Upano River named Tuki, known to the Ecuadoreans as José Grande. In the manner previously described, all of the curakas from Macas on the Upano River to Mendez on the Paute River became subchiefs under him until he was generally recognized as the strongest of all of the Jivaro curakas. However, he was beginning to grow old by this time and some of his subcurakas were strong men in their own right. About 2 years ago, Ambusha, who had been gradually gaining in power and becoming famous for his head-hunting activities, split off with his own group, taking several curakas and their men with him. A little later Utita did the same thing. At the time of the writer’s visit (1931), although Tuki was recognized by the Government of Ecuador as being head chief of the Macas-Mendez region, actually he had lost all power excepting that over his own family group and was in reality no more than a capito. These divisions of the organization, if it may be termed such, took place apparently without any ill-feeling or formal announcements."
[5]
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
[2]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru”, 251
[3]: Rivet, Paul 1907. “Jivaro Indians: Geographic, Historical And Ethnographic Research”, 611p
[4]: Stirling, Matthew Williams 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians”, 39
[5]: Stirling, Matthew Williams 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians”, 40
Full-time specialists. Blood-vengeance and warfare were organized by community members: ’The terrible custom demands ever new, ever more victims, all security must disappear, every individual constantly lives in danger of being ambushed; there is a general and permanent state of war. Hence the arrangement of the houses, one door of which can be used for flight, while the battle rages at the other; hence the customs mentioned at the beginning in connection with approaching a dwelling, for the protection of which, in addition, a pack of half-wild dogs are kept. A quarrel between two families must lead to battles between whole tribes; larger groups of tribes become hostile to one another; war and battle become customary, a man’s lifework. A longer period of quiet, of peace, must be unbearable for such a nation of warriors. Ambitious, bold leaders will easily find companions for joint war expeditions; the neighboring nations are attacked and plundered. Thus, these Indians are carrying on among themselves a war of annihilation which must gradually bring about their own downfall. Severe depopulation is already noticeable in the region of the Jívaros, and it is being accelerated by epidemics, of the diseases introduced by the Europeans, which appear with great violence at times.’ [1] ’The primary motivation for warfare is to secure as many human heads as possible from an alien tribe, and secondarily to capture women. The acquisition of territory had never been a motive for engaging in warfare. The war party, consisting of approximately thirty or forty men, is recruited from the community itself or from friendly neighborhoods nearby, and is usually led by the or as war leader or chief. Actual warfare consists of preliminary ceremonies involving ritualized chanting, surprise attacks against one or two enemy houses, the killing and decapitation of the inhabitants or the occasional capture of a girl or woman as an extra wife, and the preparation of the on the return to the home village. Unlike many of the warlike Amazon tribes captives are not tortured or sacrificed, nor is cannibalism practiced.’ [2] ’It therefore behooves any Achuarä contemplating revenge upon someone to discuss his plans with potential allies, aligning them in his camp in advance of his action. The recruitment of military support among the Achuarä and other Jivaroans (cf. Harner 1972:98) is a rather insecure business. This derives, in part, from the fact that social relations are organized within a framework of cognatic, bilateral kinship, in which the only people sharing the same personal kindreds, and the rights and obligations associated with them, are siblings. Furthermore, the only military support of which one truly can be assured, once a contemplated or actual homicide develops, comes from persons obligated by affinal ties-sons-in-law or brothers-in-law-who often reside together. Where branching kin ties are overridden by divergent affinal obligations, relatives may very likely be drawn into enemy camps.’ [3]
[1]: Reiss, W. (Wilhelm) 1880. “Visit Among The Jivaro Indians”, 13
[2]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
[3]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 102
Full-time specialists. Shamans were local practicioners: ’There are no gods who play ethical or moral roles in the Jivaro pantheon, nor are there any priests or other religious specialist except the shaman (UWISIN ) whose primary role in the society is magical curing, although he also has the power to send illness into an individual as a form of sorcery (Service, 1958: 196). Lacking true political organization, the shaman may be the most influential individual in the community frequently acting the role of KAKARAM as well as shaman.’ [1] ’The Jivaro lack any formal political organization, although an informal form of leadership is found in the role of individuals referred to as UNYÄ ("big" or "old" men) or KAKARAM ("powerful" or "powerful ones") who are renown as killers in feuds or war, or exercise important shamanistic powers in the community. These individuals acquire their reputation in the community by being old enough to have grandchildren, and are friendly, honest, and generous in dealing with others in the society. Because of these characteristics the UNYÄ or KAKARAM are believed to possess great ARUTAM soul power and the ability to curse to death anyone who incurs their anger. Generally most neighborhoods have at least one or two UNYÄ as well as a few superior shamans who provide protection for their relatives or other individuals with whom they are on friendly terms.’ [1] Many rituals could be performed by non-specialists: ’“Under this general heading it seems to me convenient to treat of certain customs of the Indians which are clearly of a religious or magical nature and are regularly practised when the Indians have to enter into relations with the spiritual world. Everybody is not prepared to take part in religious ceremonies; children for example are excluded until they have passed through the initiations. Fullgrown women, on the other hand, as we have seen, take part in many of them, and there are even religious rites which can only be peformed by the women, because only they possess the ‘inner’ qualifications necessary for success. But when ordinary conjurations of evil spirits are in question, the men, and particularly old men, are both physically and mentally far in advance of the women.”’ [2] Shamans were capable of sorcery and healing: ’In the Aguaruna tribe only men can act as sorcerers. Their magic is monistic. The sorcerer is called ananténtšo or tuntsi. They do not believe in a separation of a being from its body. They have only one kind of sorcerer: the sorcerer who kills has at the same time healing faculties.’ [3] Shamans trained novices themselves: ’According to Karsten (The Religion, pp. 319 ff.), in the Chiwaro-Makas tribe an old sorcerer supervises the novice, putting in his mouth the spines of the Guilelma palm mixed with some saliva. It seems, however, that the novice receives the actual magic substance from the demon. This demon, in the shape of a giant snake or in the shape of some other serpentiform monster, appears before the entranced novice. The sorcerer must eat certain animals; others he must avoid-all this on account of certain analogous properties. The demon is said to hand the magic spines to the newly initiated. The derivation of the magic properties of a sorcerer is not quite clear to me. The leading sorcerer is remunerated for his services.’ [4] Shamans were frequently the target of accusations of sorcery: ’“Since supposed sorcery is nearly always the nearest cause of murders within the tribe, it is clear that the professional sorcerers or medi-[270] cine men are those members of Jibaro society which are most frequently exposed to the revengeful attacks of their enemies. As a matter of fact, in large Indian societies sorcerers are very often assassinated, or at least threatened with death, by their enemies. When a medicine-man has undertaken to cure a sick person and the latter dies in spite of the treatment, the ‘doctor’ is also generally made responsible for the death, the relatives of the dead reasoning that the medicine-man, instead of curing the patient, on the contrary used his art to kill him. The unsuccessful curer is therefore murdered unless he escapes by flight. Since the Jibaros, on the whole, do not recognize what we call a natural death but always attribute a death to supernatural causes, any death among them tends to give rise to a murder, the relatives of the deceased considering it as their duty to take revenge upon the supposed author of the accident.”’ [5] Shamans are usually not full-time specialists. Here also, some fluidity may be involved in the distribution of roles. [Shamans do not often act as war leaders (except in the invisible realm) ; the more usual pattern is a sort of dyarchy between a war leader and a shaman (brother in law or son in law). However, men can slide in and out of ‘shamanship’ so it is not unheard of for a shaman to become a war leader and vice versa.]
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
[2]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru", 425
[3]: Tessmann, Günter, b. 1884. 1930. “Indians Of Northeastern Peru”, 357
[4]: Tessmann, Günter, b. 1884. 1930. “Indians Of Northeastern Peru”, 357
[5]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru”, 269p
Full-time specialists. Blood-vengeance and warfare were organized by community members: ’The terrible custom demands ever new, ever more victims, all security must disappear, every individual constantly lives in danger of being ambushed; there is a general and permanent state of war. Hence the arrangement of the houses, one door of which can be used for flight, while the battle rages at the other; hence the customs mentioned at the beginning in connection with approaching a dwelling, for the protection of which, in addition, a pack of half-wild dogs are kept. A quarrel between two families must lead to battles between whole tribes; larger groups of tribes become hostile to one another; war and battle become customary, a man’s lifework. A longer period of quiet, of peace, must be unbearable for such a nation of warriors. Ambitious, bold leaders will easily find companions for joint war expeditions; the neighboring nations are attacked and plundered. Thus, these Indians are carrying on among themselves a war of annihilation which must gradually bring about their own downfall. Severe depopulation is already noticeable in the region of the Jívaros, and it is being accelerated by epidemics, of the diseases introduced by the Europeans, which appear with great violence at times.’ [1] ’The primary motivation for warfare is to secure as many human heads as possible from an alien tribe, and secondarily to capture women. The acquisition of territory had never been a motive for engaging in warfare. The war party, consisting of approximately thirty or forty men, is recruited from the community itself or from friendly neighborhoods nearby, and is usually led by the or as war leader or chief. Actual warfare consists of preliminary ceremonies involving ritualized chanting, surprise attacks against one or two enemy houses, the killing and decapitation of the inhabitants or the occasional capture of a girl or woman as an extra wife, and the preparation of the on the return to the home village. Unlike many of the warlike Amazon tribes captives are not tortured or sacrificed, nor is cannibalism practiced.’ [2] ’It therefore behooves any Achuarä contemplating revenge upon someone to discuss his plans with potential allies, aligning them in his camp in advance of his action. The recruitment of military support among the Achuarä and other Jivaroans (cf. Harner 1972:98) is a rather insecure business. This derives, in part, from the fact that social relations are organized within a framework of cognatic, bilateral kinship, in which the only people sharing the same personal kindreds, and the rights and obligations associated with them, are siblings. Furthermore, the only military support of which one truly can be assured, once a contemplated or actual homicide develops, comes from persons obligated by affinal ties-sons-in-law or brothers-in-law-who often reside together. Where branching kin ties are overridden by divergent affinal obligations, relatives may very likely be drawn into enemy camps.’ [3]
[1]: Reiss, W. (Wilhelm) 1880. “Visit Among The Jivaro Indians”, 13
[2]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
[3]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 102
Full-time specialists. Shuar political authority was informal and decentralized: ’Each community is politically independent with its own headman. Each is also located four or more kilometers from their nearest neighboring community. The community is made up of patrilineally and affinally related individuals, traditionally consisting of from 80 to 300 people (30 to 40 people in the twentieth century), living in one house called a JIVARIA. For defensive purposes, this house is built on a steep hill usually at the upper end of a stream. The house itself is approximately 13 meters by 26 meters in size, elliptical in shape, and has a thatched roof. In times of war, two or more communities united to fight a common enemy, as was the case when the Spanish attempted to conquer them.’ [1] ’“From the statements I have previously made as to the distribution of the Jibaro tribes it appears that their social organization is loose. In fact, the whole people is split up into a great number of tribes which in their turn are sub-divided into smaller clans or septs comprising a few families closely related to one another by blood. These sub-tribes do not form village communities; each family inhabits its own big communal house (héa), but these are not situated close to one another, they lie scattered here and there in the virgin forest. Generally one has to march for one or several hours to arrive at the next house. Each Jibaro house forms in fact a separate and independent social, political, and economic unit with its own household, its own plantations in the vicinity of the house, and its own ruler or chief, the oldest family father who, at any rate in time of peace, is not controlled by anybody. It is much the same feature that we meet in other parts of tropical South America, where the impenetrable virgin forests necessarily lead to social disintegration, which is further increased by the general anti-social tendencies of the Indians. The state of things found among the Jibaros, however, is in many respects unique.’ [2] Some more prominent leaders emerged as well: ’Four or five years ago there was a strong chief on the Upano River named Tuki, known to the Ecuadoreans as José Grande. In the manner previously described, all of the curakas from Macas on the Upano River to Mendez on the Paute River became subchiefs under him until he was generally recognized as the strongest of all of the Jivaro curakas. However, he was beginning to grow old by this time and some of his subcurakas were strong men in their own right. About 2 years ago, Ambusha, who had been gradually gaining in power and becoming famous for his head-hunting activities, split off with his own group, taking several curakas and their men with him. A little later Utita did the same thing. At the time of the writer’s visit (1931), although Tuki was recognized by the Government of Ecuador as being head chief of the Macas-Mendez region, actually he had lost all power excepting that over his own family group and was in reality no more than a capito. These divisions of the organization, if it may be termed such, took place apparently without any ill-feeling or formal announcements.’ [3] The Shuar bartered with whites and other Amerindians: ’The commercial activities of the Jivaro are very restricted. In the early days of European contact hogs and chickens were raised for sale to those of European background. Salt, a rare commodity in the region, was gathered in clay pots from a few brackish springs in the area, allowed to evaporate, and the resulting hardened ball of salt used in exchange transactions with neighboring tribal groups. The Jivaro were famous for the shrinking of the human heads () of their enemies (actually only the skin). Passing out of Jivaro country through a series of exchanges, these heads eventually found their way into the hands of traders who brought them down the Amazon to Para where they were sold. Soon the traders had a burgeoning trade in these items, and the Jivaro were hard-put to keep up with the demand. The Indians were by no means particular as to whose head was used, and advance orders were taken and filled. Eventually this native "industry" was brought to a halt by the Ecuadorian and Peruvian governments although by the late twentieth century life-like replicas of the heads made from animal skins are still being sold commercially.’ [1] There was no bureaucratic penetration of Shuar territory at the time: ’“Rising in the western foothills of the Cordillera Oriental the Rio Zamora flows through Loja, where it is joined by the Rio Malacatos. ( ) Ten miles farther north, in confluence with the Rio de las Juntas, it breaks through the Andes and enters the province of Oriente, the Amazon region of Ecuador, comprising a northwestern part of the basin of the great river. Vast in extent and largely unknown, unexplored and unmapped, this territory has always been a bone of contention among the republics of Ecuador, Colombia, and Peru. But although the particular portion of it which I visited, on a reconnaissance of the Rio Zamora, was supposedly under the sovereignty of Ecuador, no evidence of administrative authority was to be found there, nor did the savages of the Jíbaro tribe who live there acknowledge allegiance to the government at Quito.”’ [4] The same seems to be true for missionary attempts: ’Since all attempts to win back the lost territories by force of arms were unsuccessful, there was recourse to the cross in order to bend the Indians again under the yoke of slavery by this apparently gentle means. The missionaries were successful among some tribes, but the Jívaros turned away all intruders and have maintained their freedom up to our time. Only the small mission of Mácas, inhabited by the Quichua Indians, is located in their territory, and neither the secular clergy nor the Jesuit fathers, who have alternately tried their luck there, have been successful in making converts.’ [5]
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
[2]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru”, 183p
[3]: Stirling, Matthew Williams 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians”, 40
[4]: Hermessen, J. L. 1917. “Journey On The Rio Zamora, Ecuador”, 435
[5]: Reiss, W. (Wilhelm) 1880. “Visit Among The Jivaro Indians”, 2
Kinsmen of the dead, not courts, decided on the course of action taken: ’Feuding or warfare is endemic among the Jivaro. Because of the retaliatory nature of legal sanctions in the society, the application of avenging action frequently initiates long and drawn out hostilities between two groups of kinsmen. This pattern of repeated application of sanctions by two families against one another is a dominant preoccupation especially among the interior Jivaro. These feuds may be formally ended by payment to the deceased’s relatives, or when one of the eldest men on one side is killed, or when each group of kinsmen has lost a man.’ [1] ’After this idea took hold, they travelled upriver to the settlement of Bupátä’s brother Ungúmï, a húndach, or old one (although he is only about 45 years old), to seek his counsel. Then, Santü journeyed further north into Ecuador to converse with Mukwíngü, the mother’s brother of Bupátä and Ungúmï. Such counsel, as I have indicated, forms an important part of the protocol that characterizes the pattern of Achuarä hostilities. Not every death attributed to sorcery is avenged, especially in the case of young children. But, once a homicide is committed in retaliation for perceived sorcery-related deaths, it inevitably calls forth a revenge raid sometime in the future on the part of close relatives-brothers-in-law or sons-in-law, usually-of the victims. Should their retaliation prove successful, close relatives of the person whose death initiated the feud also become obligated to avenge the more recent killing. Each successive death draws greater numbers of relatives into the feud on each side, and more and more lives are placed in jeopardy.’ [2] The material suggests that the Shuar population was not pulled into the settler court system during the early Ecuadorian period: ’In retaliation against the ravages of whites and such client Amerindians, some groups responded with force to outside efforts at settlement and exploitation. It is within this general context that our knowledge of Jivaroan warfare and feuding exists; and while the causes of Jívaro conflict lie in good part in environmental factors, this wider dimension cannot be ignored. As early as 1599, the Jivaroan peoples razed the Spanish gold-mining towns of eastern Ecuador and northern Peru, where Indian labor was being exploited to fill the coffers of the Spanish crown (Harner 1972:18-26; Izaguirre 1929/XI:11-19). Subsequent efforts to reestablish mines in the same region of the upper Santiago River have been persistently resisted as have other forms of occupation that have been attempted in or around the Jivaroan area.’ [3]
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
[2]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 102
[3]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 84
SCCS variable 89 ’Judiciary’ is coded as ‘1’ or ’absent’. Kinsmen of the dead, not judges, decided on the course of action taken: ’Feuding or warfare is endemic among the Jivaro. Because of the retaliatory nature of legal sanctions in the society, the application of avenging action frequently initiates long and drawn out hostilities between two groups of kinsmen. This pattern of repeated application of sanctions by two families against one another is a dominant preoccupation especially among the interior Jivaro. These feuds may be formally ended by payment to the deceased’s relatives, or when one of the eldest men on one side is killed, or when each group of kinsmen has lost a man.’ [1] ’After this idea took hold, they travelled upriver to the settlement of Bupátä’s brother Ungúmï, a húndach, or old one (although he is only about 45 years old), to seek his counsel. Then, Santü journeyed further north into Ecuador to converse with Mukwíngü, the mother’s brother of Bupátä and Ungúmï. Such counsel, as I have indicated, forms an important part of the protocol that characterizes the pattern of Achuarä hostilities. Not every death attributed to sorcery is avenged, especially in the case of young children. But, once a homicide is committed in retaliation for perceived sorcery-related deaths, it inevitably calls forth a revenge raid sometime in the future on the part of close relatives-brothers-in-law or sons-in-law, usually-of the victims. Should their retaliation prove successful, close relatives of the person whose death initiated the feud also become obligated to avenge the more recent killing. Each successive death draws greater numbers of relatives into the feud on each side, and more and more lives are placed in jeopardy.’ [2]
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
[2]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 102
SCCS variable 149 ’Writing and Records’ is coded as ‘1’ or ‘None’, not ‘Mnemonic devices’, or ‘Nonwritten records’, or ’True writing, no records’, or ‘True writing; records’ The Shuar did not use a formal legal code, but had established means of responding to offenses. The murder of a kinsman had to be avenged: ’“When a murder committed by tribesman is to be avenged, the social morality of the Jibaros requires that the punishment shall be meted out with justice, in so far that for one life which has been taken only one life should be taken in retaliation. Thereupon the blood-guilt is atoned for (tumáshi akérkama) and the offended family is satisfied. Consequently, if a Jibaro Indian wishes to avenge the murder of his brother, it may well happen that he, if the slayer himself cannot be caught and punished, will assassinate his brother or father instead of him, but he does not take the life of more than one member of the family, even if he has an opportunity of killing more. If he, for instance, killed not only the murderer himself but also one of his brothers, this would awaken indignation in the whole tribe, and it would be considered just that the family thus offended in its turn should take revenge. The blood guilt in such a case has passed to the original avenger. This principle, which requires that there shall be justice in the retaliation so that life is weighed against life, in itself of course has a tendency to limit blood-revenge. It happens, however, in many cases, and especially when supposed witchery is in question, that the person accused of the crime does not admit the guilt, but asserts that he and his family are innocently persecuted by the relatives of the dead. If then he or a member of his family is murdered, his relatives try, in their turn, to take revenge, and so on, in which case the blood feud tends to become prolonged indefinitely.”’ [1] ’It seemed that this uncle had beaten one of his wives to death because she was unfaithful to him, and the woman’s family, considering the treatment unnecessarily harsh, had murdered the husband in retaliation. Custom said that Kuashu’s family must also take a life in order to satisfy the Jivaro sense of justice. With this end in view, the spirit of revenge was being kept alive, and almost every day the young men of the household were reminded of the duty which they inherited, and how they would eventually have to kill some member of the family who were responsible for their uncle’s murder. The boys listened to the tale, which had already been told them hundreds of times, with as much interest as if they had never heard it before, and I wondered how long it would be ere their hands were stained with blood. They saw nothing wrong in this lust for vengeance, for their creed taught them that the spirit [158] of their uncle could not rest till justice had been meted out. Furthermore, if they failed to take reprisals they and their families would be the ones to suffer.” ’ [2] The obligation to avenge could be avoided through gift-giving: ’It seems that among the Aguaruna Indians there is a sort of murderous revenge, though there is a way of redeeming it with gifts. I heard of one case where the gift of a blowgun eliminated the necessity for bloody revenge.’ [3] Deaths by sorcery had to be avenged as well: ’Fear of sorcery and incurring the wrath of the act as restraining elements of social control in the Jivaro community. In this society the code of lex talionis holds true so that anti-social acts directed against members of the community will result in assured retaliation by the victim’s family. Thus, the fear of reprisal also acts as a means of aggression control in the society.’ [4] ’“Their unbounded sense of liberty and their desire to be independent, not only of the whites but also of each other, is one of the reasons why they do not live in villages but each family separately, for in this way conflicts are more easily avoided. It may for instance, happen that the swine, the most important domestic animals, who during the day are allowed to roam about freely in the forest, penetrate into the plantations of a neighbouring family and devastate the crops. The owner gets angry and claims compensation for the damage done. In this way quarrels easily arise which may develop into bloody fights; at any rate there arises general discord and distrust between the two families. Some time later it may happen that one or more members of either family fall ill with some of the diseases which the Jibaros ascribe to witchcraft. When trying to find out the author of the evil the head of that family is most likely to attribute it to the malicious art of a neighbour with whom he has had such a quarrel. If the patient dies he has recourse to divination by means of the narcotic natéma, which generally leads to his suspicions of the neighbour being confirmed. The family’s sense of justice as well as the duty to the deceased now require that revenge shall be taken, and the supposed wizard is assassinated. This murder naturally awakens the desire for blood-revenge on the part of the family thus outraged, and so a blood-feud is begun, which, as is easily understood, has a tendency to make itself permanent.”’ [5] Blood vengeance was less common within families, conflicts being solved informally: ’“Though, as we have seen, among the Jibaros blood-revenge takes place with regard to members of the same sub-tribe, this is not so when a crime is committed within the family. Among these Indians it sometimes occurs that a man kills his brother, if the latter, for instance, has seduced his wife or bewitched one of his children. But in this case blood-revenge is not generally taken, inasmuch as the natural avengers-that is, the father and the remaining brothers-abstain from carrying it out. ‘It is enough that one member of our family has died,’ they say, ‘why should we deprive ourselves of one more?’ The slayer is consequently pardoned. The absence of blood-revenge in a case like this is due to the natural sympathy which the avengers feel for the slayer, as well as to the consideration that by killing him they would only harm themselves, by weakening the power and influence of the family.”’ [6] Stirling describes recognized extenuating circumstances: ’In the same way the Jivaros are apt to recognize extenuating circumstances in other cases where the crime has not been caused willfully, as for example, when someone in a state of intoxication or under the influence of a narcotic drink has been the cause of another person’s death. However, in any of these instances, if the [117] evildoer refuses to pay to compensation asked, he becomes liable to blood revenge.”’ [7]
[1]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru”, 274
[2]: Dyott, George Miller 1926. “On The Trail Of The Unknown In The Wilds Of Ecuador And The Amazon", 157p
[3]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 73
[4]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
[5]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru”, 269
[6]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru", 274
[7]: Stirling, Matthew Williams 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians", 116p
Kinsmen of the dead, not courts, decided on the course of action taken: ’Feuding or warfare is endemic among the Jivaro. Because of the retaliatory nature of legal sanctions in the society, the application of avenging action frequently initiates long and drawn out hostilities between two groups of kinsmen. This pattern of repeated application of sanctions by two families against one another is a dominant preoccupation especially among the interior Jivaro. These feuds may be formally ended by payment to the deceased’s relatives, or when one of the eldest men on one side is killed, or when each group of kinsmen has lost a man.’ [1] ’After this idea took hold, they travelled upriver to the settlement of Bupátä’s brother Ungúmï, a húndach, or old one (although he is only about 45 years old), to seek his counsel. Then, Santü journeyed further north into Ecuador to converse with Mukwíngü, the mother’s brother of Bupátä and Ungúmï. Such counsel, as I have indicated, forms an important part of the protocol that characterizes the pattern of Achuarä hostilities. Not every death attributed to sorcery is avenged, especially in the case of young children. But, once a homicide is committed in retaliation for perceived sorcery-related deaths, it inevitably calls forth a revenge raid sometime in the future on the part of close relatives-brothers-in-law or sons-in-law, usually-of the victims. Should their retaliation prove successful, close relatives of the person whose death initiated the feud also become obligated to avenge the more recent killing. Each successive death draws greater numbers of relatives into the feud on each side, and more and more lives are placed in jeopardy.’ [2] The material suggests that the Shuar population was not pulled into the settler court system during the early Ecuadorian period: ’In retaliation against the ravages of whites and such client Amerindians, some groups responded with force to outside efforts at settlement and exploitation. It is within this general context that our knowledge of Jivaroan warfare and feuding exists; and while the causes of Jívaro conflict lie in good part in environmental factors, this wider dimension cannot be ignored. As early as 1599, the Jivaroan peoples razed the Spanish gold-mining towns of eastern Ecuador and northern Peru, where Indian labor was being exploited to fill the coffers of the Spanish crown (Harner 1972:18-26; Izaguirre 1929/XI:11-19). Subsequent efforts to reestablish mines in the same region of the upper Santiago River have been persistently resisted as have other forms of occupation that have been attempted in or around the Jivaroan area.’ [3]
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
[2]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 102
[3]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 84
The Shuar engaged in barter trade with other Amerindian societies and whites, in order to obtain goods such as weapons or cloth: ’The material used for clothing is nowadays in many instances of European make, at least in the case of women’s dresses. They obtain this material, which is nothing but ordinary unbleached muslin. (tocuyo), through barter. They themselves dye it brown. I noticed that the itipe of the men was in all instances home made material. The reason for this may lie in the fact that the men do the spinning and weaving.’ [1] ’In all the tambos I found Winchester rifles which they had obtained from the rubber collectors by barter for rubber. But since the Indians most of the time do not have any [72] shot to go with it, these rifles are for the most part ornamental pieces. As a matter of fact, the Indians are not too fond of rifles since, they maintain, their report chases the game off.’ [2] ’Spears with iron points were generally in use when I visited the Indians. The point (see Figure 7) has a socket at the bottom. The shaft is fastened into the socket with the help of resin. The spear or lance has a length of 2 1/2 - 3 1/2 meters. They are said to obtain the iron points by way of barter from the Indians along the upper Senepa. The points are said to come from Ecuador. The spear with the iron point is called nánki by the Indians. Formerly spears were used shaped out of the wood of the chonta palm, and they still occur in isolated instances. The shape of their point is the same as the iron one, but its cross-section shows a somewhat concave outline. Shaft and point are made out of one piece. These chonta lances are called angös.’ [3] ’In former years the Indians came as far as Bella Vista and later even to Bagua Chica in order to exchange parrots and other animals for articles of everyday use. Raimondi tells us that in 1845 the Aguarunas destroyed at the same time the mestizo-settlements [47] Puyaya and Copallín, the one situated on the right bank of the Marañón River, somewhat below the Rentema, the other on the left bank.’ [4] When dealing with white intermediaries or patrones, exchange rates between different types of goods were informal but somewhat regular: ’In order to get articles that were valuable to them the Indians started to collect the products of their forests. In exchange for rubber, various resins, canoes, Maní, yucca, bananas, tamed animals and parrots the Indians ask for Winchester repeating arms, rifles and the necessary ammunition, axes, knives, scissors, needles, fishhooks, mirrors, cotton wares, sewing thread, etc. At that time the rate of exchange was the following: For a small canoe for six people they would receive an ordinary single-barrelled rifle (European value perhaps 10 Marks). For a hen or a large bunch of bananas they would receive one vara (84 cm.) of Tocuyo (thin, unbleached cotton, muslin?). In exchange for a basket (15 liter) of ground-nuts (maní) they could barter 4 vara (336 cm.) of Tocuyo. I have witnessed it several times in Nazaret that the Indians were terribly cheated with regard to weight when they made their rubber deliveries to the white men, and I could see it from the expression on their faces that they were aware of the fraud.’ [5] In most cases, barter trade operated through intermediaries or patrones rather than established markets in white settlements. [By and large this is true, but shuar parties would occasionally travel to colono settlements to trade , and even travel up to Andean cities to trade gold powder against metal tools. There are records of such incursions in last quarter of 18th century and again between 1850 and 1880.] Given the occasional nature of these activities, we provisionally coded the variable absent.
[1]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 58
[2]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 71p
[3]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 71
[4]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 46p
[5]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 48
The Shuar did not practice irrigation, and instead relied on proximity to minor freshwater tributaries: ’The Indians like to dwell in the vicinity of rivers. Once they have found a suitable spot, they start by clearing out a lot. [51] Such clearing is necessary everywhere, for there is no territory without forest. On the clearing a temporary hut is built out of the timber which the clearing process had yielded. More trees are then cut down to obtain a larger area for the fields where they plant Yucca, corn, cotton, bananas, and maní. This field is as a rule somewhat removed from the house and in the middle of the forest. I have not been able to find out the reason for this. They do it perhaps because there is no suitable land close to the river, where the huts are set up, or for some other reason. As they go along, they collect the material for their permanent home. The erection of the permanent dwelling is a slow process, and occasionally it may take several years before it is ready since they work on it only seldom and with long interruptions.’ [1] ’“In describing my journeys among the Jibaro Indians I had occasion to mention repeatedly that the savage Jibaros never settle on the banks of the main rivers, but prefer to make their houses beside small affluents in the interior of the country. The reason for this is obvious: it is due to their constant fear of hostile attacks. By hiding themselves in the forests in the way they do, they not only avoid the whites, who now and then travel along the main rivers, but they are also better protected against hostile Indian tribes. The Jibaro houses are also largely constructed with a view to keeping off uninvited guests; in fact, nearly every house is a sort of fortress, as will be shown in greater detail in the part dealing with the warfare of the Indians.”’ [2]
[1]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 50p
[2]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru", 94
According to SCCS variable 20 ’Food Storage’, ‘None’ (coded as ‘1’) were present, not ’Individual households’, ’Communal facilities’, ’Political agent controlled repositories’, or ’Economic agent controlled repositories’. The subsistence system allowed for continuous sowing and harvesting throughout the year: ’Living as they do well to the west of the area which is annually inundated, and consequently being free from dependance on the seasons, they can sow at any time of the year, with the certainty of reaping at the end of the unvarying number of months which are needed in order that the crop may ripen. Yuca, for instance, is ready in six months; Indian corn in three months; yams (a potato which grows three to four feet in length and fifty pounds in weight) in a year; sweet potatoes, peanuts, and tobacco are also cultivated in large quantities.”’ [1] Karsten reports only household-level food storage. [There were no collective storage facilities. In fact the only crops stored in households were/are peanuts and maize. Since the Shuar only use sweet manioc, they do not manufacture manioc flour.] ’“The truth is that the married Jibaro woman is not only completely independent within her own sphere of activity, but exercises a remarkable social influence and authority even in matters which mainly concern the husband. It is interesting to state in this respect that a family-father never sells fruit or other articles of food without the consent of his wife. There are, I think, few civilized societies where the man so unfailingly asks his wife’s advice, even in unimportant matters, as among these savages. It occurred very frequently during my travels in the forest that I paid visits to the Jibaro houses to buy manioc or bananas, and received from the ‘autocrat’ of the house the answer: ‘I must first ask [254] my wife.’ Frequently the wife happened to be absent for the moment and then the answer was: ‘Wait a while until my wife arrives.’ I saw that there was a store of manioc and bananas in the house, and it would have been an easy thing for the man to give me immediately what I wanted to buy; yet he compelled me to wait for a long while, perhaps for hours, only to be able to ask his wife’s permission to make the insignificant bargain. Still one can understand this consideration for the housewife when articles of food are in question. Since the wife is the keeper of the food and is responsible for the existence of a store sufficient for the needs of the family, it is natural that she should also be allowed to decide how much of it can be given to strangers.’ [2]
[1]: Up de Graff, d., Fritz W. 1923. “Head Hunters Of The Amazon: Seven Years Of Exploration And Adventure”, 202p
[2]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru”, 253p
The Shuar did not construct drinking water supply systems, and instead relied on proximity to minor freshwater tributaries: ’The Indians like to dwell in the vicinity of rivers. Once they have found a suitable spot, they start by clearing out a lot. [51] Such clearing is necessary everywhere, for there is no territory without forest. On the clearing a temporary hut is built out of the timber which the clearing process had yielded. More trees are then cut down to obtain a larger area for the fields where they plant Yucca, corn, cotton, bananas, and maní. This field is as a rule somewhat removed from the house and in the middle of the forest. I have not been able to find out the reason for this. They do it perhaps because there is no suitable land close to the river, where the huts are set up, or for some other reason. As they go along, they collect the material for their permanent home. The erection of the permanent dwelling is a slow process, and occasionally it may take several years before it is ready since they work on it only seldom and with long interruptions.’ [1] ’“In describing my journeys among the Jibaro Indians I had occasion to mention repeatedly that the savage Jibaros never settle on the banks of the main rivers, but prefer to make their houses beside small affluents in the interior of the country. The reason for this is obvious: it is due to their constant fear of hostile attacks. By hiding themselves in the forests in the way they do, they not only avoid the whites, who now and then travel along the main rivers, but they are also better protected against hostile Indian tribes. The Jibaro houses are also largely constructed with a view to keeping off uninvited guests; in fact, nearly every house is a sort of fortress, as will be shown in greater detail in the part dealing with the warfare of the Indians.”’ [2]
[1]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 50p
[2]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru", 94
According to SCCS variable 14 ’Routes of Land Transport’ only ‘1’ or ’unimproved trails’ were used for land transport, not roads. The Shuar relied on concealed pathways: ’The Jíbaros never live united in villages. Their homes are found scattered in the middle of the forest. These settlements are never permanent; in fact, the savages change their residence frequently, every six years on the average( ). The dwelling is always located near a stream, in the middle of a little cultivated land; no defined road leads to it, and only the Indians are able to recognize the trace of a pathway invisible to strangers in the labryinth of trees and thick underbrush.’ [1] ’As has already been mentioned, Mácas lies deep in the territory of the Jívaros. Everywhere in the forest, indeed hardly a quarter of an hour away from Mácas, lie their large tambos. Narrow paths lead through the dense forest, and, following them, one quite suddenly and without any previous signs of civilization comes upon the open plaza surrounding the house. Each house lies alone by itself, as though lost in the forest, and is usually inhabited by only one family, rarely by several. In approaching, certain precautionary measures must be observed to ensure a friendly reception. The visit is announced from a great distance by shouting, but in the immediate vicinity of the house one marches in absolute silence. This is done in order to demonstrate peaceful intent, since during an attack the Jívaro steals quietly through the forest, but then rushes with a loud war whoop across the open plaza to the house.’ [2]
[1]: Rivet, Paul 1907. “Jivaro Indians: Geographic, Historical And Ethnographic Research”, 583
[2]: Reiss, W. (Wilhelm) 1880. “Visit Among The Jivaro Indians”, 7
According to SCCS variable 14 ’Routes of Land Transport’ only ‘1’ or ’unimproved trails’ were used for land transport, not roads. Ecuadorian settlers established ports and colonial towns, some of which were destroyed by Shuar warriors: ’The spread of commercial interests in this area did not, however, proceed unchallenged. A port at the mouth of the Morona River and colony of 80 persons to its north, founded by a Peruvian comerciante in 1904, had vanished by 1905-destroyed by Jívaro (probably Huambisa) reportedly in retaliation for the victimization of one of their women (Vacas Galindo 1905:396). Military garrisons established by Peru and Ecuador in this zone of contention between the two countries had also, from time to time, skirmished with the local Indians, and, in 1915, some Jívaro (again probably Huambisa) destroyed the Peruvian army base on the upper Morona River (Karsten 1935:14; Stirling 1938:28).’ [1] ’The spread of commercial interests in this area did not, however, proceed unchallenged. A port at the mouth of the Morona River and colony of 80 persons to its north, founded by a Peruvian comerciante in 1904, had vanished by 1905-destroyed by Jívaro (probably Huambisa) reportedly in retaliation for the victimization of one of their women (Vacas Galindo 1905:396). Military garrisons established by Peru and Ecuador in this zone of contention between the two countries had also, from time to time, skirmished with the local Indians, and, in 1915, some Jívaro (again probably Huambisa) destroyed the Peruvian army base on the upper Morona River (Karsten 1935:14; Stirling 1938:28).’ [1] The Shuar likely had little to no access to those ports.
[1]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 94
According to SCCS variable 14 ’Routes of Land Transport’ only ‘1’ or ’unimproved trails’ were used for land transport, not roads.
According to SCCS variable 14 ’Routes of Land Transport’ only ‘1’ or ’unimproved trails’ were used for land transport, not roads. Rivers were negotiated by canoe or raft: ’The most important means of transportation along the upper Marañón and its tributaries is the canoe (Fig. 8). One could even say that this dug-out is the only means of transportation since there are only a few isolated overland paths.’ [1] ’The canoe appears in several sizes. Some accomodate only one to two people, others up to twenty men. All of them are made of cedar wood. Whether small or large, they all have the same shape. The part that touches the water is round in cross-section just as the original tree. At both ends flat seats for the oarsman were provided when the canoe was dug out. The canoe is directed by means of paddles, but on upstream voyages long bamboo poles (tanganas) are required, and with their help the boat is pushed forward. Should the river bank be flat, some Indians may jump into the water to pull the canoe with the help of lianas.’ [1] ’Another means of transportation in the river area is the raft (balsa). It can be used for downstream voyages only and is therefore not so frequent. It is made by uniting several balsa trunks. The rafts are kept within the current by means of paddles.’ [1] The Shuar crossed even broad rivers swimming: ’“The Jibaros, when they are about to cross a broad river swimming, are in the habit of swallowing a fish-sound before they enter the water. In this way, they believe, they will be able to float on the water and swim as easily as a fish.’ [2] Reiss also reports liana bridges: ’The six or seven houses which make up the village of Paira (1,617 meters) lie two short days of travel farther down in the valley. The foot of the steep mountains has been reached here; only elongated hills continue to the east. The rivers, still rapid, to be sure, become broad and even navigable for short stretches; an immense forest area stretches out before one’s eyes. Up to here we found the brooks, which were difficult to cross, bridged over, although the liana bridges, serving as a model for our suspension bridges, sometimes offered crossings which appeared dangerous. Farther down, however, the rivers had to be waded, for the Jesuits, in order to make access to their mission more difficult, had pulled down the bridges formerly present and had taken the canoes used for ferrying into Mácas into their own custody.’ [3]
[1]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 74
[2]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru”, 453p
[3]: Reiss, W. (Wilhelm) 1880. “Visit Among The Jivaro Indians", 6
Ecuadorian settlers established gold mines in the region, but the material suggests that settlers rather than Indians were employed there: ’In 1901, the Huambisas were still the scourge of the Santiago Basin, forcing the precipitous retreat of some American miners who had ascended the river in hopes of locating the famed placer gold deposits. In contrast, Aguarunas and Antipas, whom the miners encountered on the Alto Marañón, were found to be inordinately hospitable, especially “fond of European trade goods” and eager to exchange garden produce, salt, and even gold for them in some instances (Von Hassel 1902/II:68, 70-71).’ [1]
[1]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro", 92
SCCS variable 149 ’Writing and Records’ is coded as ‘1’ or ‘None’, not ‘Mnemonic devices’, or ‘Nonwritten records’, or ’True writing, no records’, or ‘True writing; records’ According to Salazar’s information, written records and literacy became more widespread only in the second half of the 20th century: ’The official publication of the federation is a bilingual Shuar-Spanish newspaper called Chicham, “Message,” which appears irregularly. Chicham is devoted to accounts of the activities of the federation, as well as general information on such varied subjects as acculturation, government policies, and the situation of Indian groups in Ecuador and South America as a whole. The Shuar have already established contact with native American movements throughout the American continent. Furthermore, the federation has sponsored about 30 publications of different kinds, including scientific subjects (technology, social structure, and mythology of the Shuar), school books (literacy booklets and school texts), and religious works (prayer books, gospel translations). Particular attention must be drawn to the publication of the Mundo Shuar booklets, which represents the greatest effort so far to diffuse Shuar culture in printed form. The collection includes seven series of publications, each series covering a broad aspect of Shuar culture (e.g. ethnohistory, technology, linguistics). Authors include missionaries, white teachers, and Shuar intellectuals who contribute to the recently established Center for Documentation and Research on Shuar Culture. The collection as a whole is printed at the Salesian Publishing House in Quito, and is also directed by a Salesian priest, Father Juan Botasso. Mundo Shuar thus appears as a Salesian effort to rescue what is left of a rich culture that almost disintegrated as a result of more than half a century of Salesian administration of the Shuar people. The works so far published show, as could be expected, a varying degree of scholarship, but on the whole Mundo Shuar has been well accepted in the country, and promises to be an indispensable research tool for anthropologists interested in Shuar culture.’ [1]
[1]: Salazar, Ernesto 1981. “Federación Shuar And The Colonization Frontier”, 601
SCCS variable 149 ’Writing and Records’ is coded as ‘1’ or ‘None’, not ‘Mnemonic devices’, or ‘Nonwritten records’, or ’True writing, no records’, or ‘True writing; records’
SCCS variable 149 ’Writing and Records’ is coded as ‘1’ or ‘None’, not ‘Mnemonic devices’, or ‘Nonwritten records’, or ’True writing, no records’, or ‘True writing; records’
SCCS variable 149 ’Writing and Records’ is coded as ‘1’ or ‘None’, not ‘Mnemonic devices’, or ‘Nonwritten records’, or ’True writing, no records’, or ‘True writing; records’ This code may be in need of re-evaluation. Rivet describes Shuar songs, but insinuates that their content is fluid and may not be transmitted as is: ’Dancing, music and singing are high in honor. I have already said that the Jíbaros lack grace. According to the missionaries, their music and their singing would be unbearable to the ear of a White, but it is necessary to take into account the performers’ drunkenness during the course of the feasts. The proof of that is that one of my friends who lived in Gualaquiza for a long time, where he was known and loved by the savages, and who had occasion to pass an evening with one of them without drinking, gave an entirely different opinion: “In the middle of the entertainment”, he wrote me, “I asked that the two wives of Santiago (so the Indian was called) let us hear some songs. Santiago agreed and even joined his voice with theirs. I hear even now the harmony of this song; it was so gentle and so melodious that I had them repeat it two or three times. I profited by this in order to put the words in my notebook; finally, I asked the Jíbaro the meaning of what I had written, and I acquired the conviction that they sang whatever came to their minds, without any order, in other words, that they improvised words to a familiar air.”’ [1]
[1]: Rivet, Paul 1908. “Jivaro Indians: Geographic, Historical And Ethnographic Research”, 253
SCCS variable 149 ’Writing and Records’ is coded as ‘1’ or ‘None’, not ‘Mnemonic devices’, or ‘Nonwritten records’, or ’True writing, no records’, or ‘True writing; records’ This code may be in need of re-evaluation. The eHRAF materials are not coded for any mnemonic devices.
SCCS variable 149 ’Writing and Records’ is coded as ‘1’ or ‘None’, not ‘Mnemonic devices’, or ‘Nonwritten records’, or ’True writing, no records’, or ‘True writing; records’
SCCS variable 149 ’Writing and Records’ is coded as ‘1’ or ‘None’, not ‘Mnemonic devices’, or ‘Nonwritten records’, or ’True writing, no records’, or ‘True writing; records’
SCCS variable 149 ’Writing and Records’ is coded as ‘1’ or ‘None’, not ‘Mnemonic devices’, or ‘Nonwritten records’, or ’True writing, no records’, or ‘True writing; records’
SCCS variable 149 ’Writing and Records’ is coded as ‘1’ or ‘None’, not ‘Mnemonic devices’, or ‘Nonwritten records’, or ’True writing, no records’, or ‘True writing; records’
SCCS variable 149 ’Writing and Records’ is coded as ‘1’ or ‘None’, not ‘Mnemonic devices’, or ‘Nonwritten records’, or ’True writing, no records’, or ‘True writing; records’
SCCS variable 149 ’Writing and Records’ is coded as ‘1’ or ‘None’, not ‘Mnemonic devices’, or ‘Nonwritten records’, or ’True writing, no records’, or ‘True writing; records’
SCCS variable 149 ’Writing and Records’ is coded as ‘1’ or ‘None’, not ‘Mnemonic devices’, or ‘Nonwritten records’, or ’True writing, no records’, or ‘True writing; records’
According to SCCS variable 17 ’Money (Media of Exchange) and Credit’, ‘1’ or ’No media of exchange or money’ was present, not ’Domestically used articles as media of exchange’ or ’Tokens of conventional value as media of exchange’ or ’Foreign coinage or paper coinage’, or ’Indigenous coinage or paper currency’.
According to SCCS variable 17 ’Money (Media of Exchange) and Credit’, ‘1’ or ’No media of exchange or money’ was present, not ’Domestically used articles as media of exchange’ or ’Tokens of conventional value as media of exchange’ or ’Foreign coinage or paper coinage’, or ’Indigenous coinage or paper currency’. Gold dust had been used in trade and (short-lived) tribute relations with Spanish intruders: ’The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.’ [1] [Shuar parties would occasionally travel to colono settlements to trade , and even travel up to Andean cities to trade gold powder against metal tools. There are records of such incursions in last quarter of 18th century and again between 1850 and 1880.] As records of excursions seem to exceed the 1549-1599 period, the variable was coded present on the general level.
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro
No indigenously produced paper money. According to SCCS variable 17 ’Money (Media of Exchange) and Credit’, ‘1’ or ’No media of exchange or money’ was present, not ’Domestically used articles as media of exchange’ or ’Tokens of conventional value as media of exchange’ or ’Foreign coinage or paper coinage’, or ’Indigenous coinage or paper currency’. Rivet reports some monetization of the tsantsa trade: ’The first tsantsas coming to Europe had their hour [72] of renown and attained extraordinary prices. In 1865, one of them was sold for 1500 francs ( ). Ten years ago another was sold at auction for 500 francs at the Hotél Drouot ( ). Actually, these objects are much less rare and have lost a part of their commercial value. At Macas, at Gualaquiza and at Zamora, the whites buy them directly from the Indians for ten sucres, that is 25 francs, and take them to Cuenca, Riobamba and Loja, where they resell them for 30 to 50 sucres, that is 75 to 125 francs. In Europe, the best examples are worth 200 and 300 francs and there is not an important museum that does not possess at least one. In Paris, the Museum of Natural History has five of them, the Anthropological Society one, the Ethnographic Museum of the Trocadero three, the Army Museum one, and also there are a good number in private collections.’ [1] It remains to be confirmed how common this was in direct exchanges between settlers/traders and Indians.
[1]: Rivet, Paul 1908. “Jivaro Indians: Geographic, Historical And Ethnographic Research”, 71p
According to SCCS variable 17 ’Money (Media of Exchange) and Credit’, ‘1’ or ’No media of exchange or money’ was present, not ’Domestically used articles as media of exchange’ or ’Tokens of conventional value as media of exchange’ or ’Foreign coinage or paper coinage’, or ’Indigenous coinage or paper currency’.
According to SCCS variable 17 ’Money (Media of Exchange) and Credit’, ‘1’ or ’No media of exchange or money’ was present, not ’Domestically used articles as media of exchange’ or ’Tokens of conventional value as media of exchange’ or ’Foreign coinage or paper coinage’, or ’Indigenous coinage or paper currency’. Rivet reports some monetization of the tsantsa trade: ’The first tsantsas coming to Europe had their hour [72] of renown and attained extraordinary prices. In 1865, one of them was sold for 1500 francs ( ). Ten years ago another was sold at auction for 500 francs at the Hotél Drouot ( ). Actually, these objects are much less rare and have lost a part of their commercial value. At Macas, at Gualaquiza and at Zamora, the whites buy them directly from the Indians for ten sucres, that is 25 francs, and take them to Cuenca, Riobamba and Loja, where they resell them for 30 to 50 sucres, that is 75 to 125 francs. In Europe, the best examples are worth 200 and 300 francs and there is not an important museum that does not possess at least one. In Paris, the Museum of Natural History has five of them, the Anthropological Society one, the Ethnographic Museum of the Trocadero three, the Army Museum one, and also there are a good number in private collections.’ [1] It remains to be confirmed how common this was in direct exchanges between settlers/traders and Indians.
[1]: Rivet, Paul 1908. “Jivaro Indians: Geographic, Historical And Ethnographic Research”, 71p
According to SCCS variable 17 ’Money (Media of Exchange) and Credit’, ‘1’ or ’No media of exchange or money’ was present, not ’Domestically used articles as media of exchange’ or ’Tokens of conventional value as media of exchange’ or ’Foreign coinage or paper coinage’, or ’Indigenous coinage or paper currency’. The shuar engaged in barter trade with other Amerindian and settler populations: ’In all the tambos I found Winchester rifles which they had obtained from the rubber collectors by barter for rubber. But since the Indians most of the time do not have any [72] shot to go with it, these rifles are for the most part ornamental pieces. As a matter of fact, the Indians are not too fond of rifles since, they maintain, their report chases the game off.’ [1] ’Spears with iron points were generally in use when I visited the Indians. The point (see Figure 7) has a socket at the bottom. The shaft is fastened into the socket with the help of resin. The spear or lance has a length of 2 1/2 - 3 1/2 meters. They are said to obtain the iron points by way of barter from the Indians along the upper Senepa. The points are said to come from Ecuador. The spear with the iron point is called nánki by the Indians. Formerly spears were used shaped out of the wood of the chonta palm, and they still occur in isolated instances. The shape of their point is the same as the iron one, but its cross-section shows a somewhat concave outline. Shaft and point are made out of one piece. These chonta lances are called angös.’ [2] ’In former years the Indians came as far as Bella Vista and later even to Bagua Chica in order to exchange parrots and other animals for articles of everyday use. Raimondi tells us that in 1845 the Aguarunas destroyed at the same time the mestizo-settlements [47] Puyaya and Copallín, the one situated on the right bank of the Marañón River, somewhat below the Rentema, the other on the left bank.’ [3] When dealing with white intermediaries or patrones, exchange rates between different types of goods were informal but somewhat regular. [Shuar parties would occasionally travel to colono settlements to trade , and even travel up to Andean cities to trade gold powder against metal tools. There are records of such incursions in last quarter of 18th century and again between 1850 and 1880.] ’In order to get articles that were valuable to them the Indians started to collect the products of their forests. In exchange for rubber, various resins, canoes, Maní, yucca, bananas, tamed animals and parrots the Indians ask for Winchester repeating arms, rifles and the necessary ammunition, axes, knives, scissors, needles, fishhooks, mirrors, cotton wares, sewing thread, etc. At that time the rate of exchange was the following: For a small canoe for six people they would receive an ordinary single-barrelled rifle (European value perhaps 10 Marks). For a hen or a large bunch of bananas they would receive one vara (84 cm.) of Tocuyo (thin, unbleached cotton, muslin?). In exchange for a basket (15 liter) of ground-nuts (maní) they could barter 4 vara (336 cm.) of Tocuyo. I have witnessed it several times in Nazaret that the Indians were terribly cheated with regard to weight when they made their rubber deliveries to the white men, and I could see it from the expression on their faces that they were aware of the fraud.’ [4] The region was hit economically by the crash of the rubber market: ’However, with the crash of the rubber market, the commercial pressure on Indian populations-more attenuated here than elsewhere (Harner 1972:30)-was diminished. The cauchero whom Karsten encountered on the Pastaza working with inland Achuarä in 1917, was gone on Karsten’s return trip in 1929 (Karsten 1935:41, 43, 78). Furthermore, numbers of Peruvian military outposts that had served to oversee commercial activity were withdrawn (Karsten 1935:43, 78; Zanabria Zamudio 1969:157, 159, 195), and access to the entire Pastaza region was gradually curtailed. A Catholic missionary reported in 1928 that “the steamships of Iquitos which periodically make the service to the Alto Marañon, do not enter [the Pastaza], since it is almost completely lacking in civilized people and all exploitation of goma [latex] has been suspended because of the depreciation” (Misiones Pasionistas 1943:264).’ [5] ’Many sources of Western goods did vanish when the sudden depreciation in the value of wild Amazonian latex resulted in a major cutback in foreign investment and in the cessation of steamship transport to the region gradually coming to be occupied by Achuarä in Peru. However, commercial contact with the area was not wholly terminated. Some rubber extractors and colonists chose to remain after the crash as frontier agriculturalists or patrones of the Indians in the exploitation of other natural products. Furthermore, neither Peru nor Ecuador was fully willing to relinquish a tenuous hold over the northern tributaries of the Marañon and the as yet untapped resources to be found there.’ [6]
[1]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 71p
[2]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 71
[3]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 46p
[4]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 48
[5]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 94
[6]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 95
Shuar communities transmitted messages through ceremonial and war drums (see above). They did not use professional couriers or postal services.
Shuar communities transmitted messages through ceremonial and war drums (see above). They did not use professional couriers or postal services.
Shuar communities transmitted messages through ceremonial and war drums: ’A few words must be said about the túndui, the wireless telephone of the Aguarunas. It consists of a hollowed-out tree trunk, about 100-120 cm. long and of a thickness of 30-35 cm. At each end there is a handle, one of which is used to grab it, the other as a support on the ground, so that the instrument is free to vibrate. On top of the drum there are four holes in one direction. Originally, these holes may have been used to hollow out the trunk, in the end they help with the resonance. (See Illustration number 4.) They beat the instrument with a short stick which is wound with vegetarian wool at one end. The sound differs depending on whether the drum is hit from the side or at the top. The messages are conveyed, in the manner of our Morse system, by a combination of these two sound possibilities. If the air is quiet, one is able to hear the túndui at a distance of several kilometers. The message is transmitted from one place to the other by a process of interception and further transmission.’ [1] ’“As we sat on the banks of the Upano, listening to the words of wisdom that fell from Kuashu’s lips, we heard the distant beat of a drum resounding harshly over the forest. It was not the low musical note, full and vibrant, but a peculiarly hard, penetrating noise, resembling the rapid blows of an axe on some fallen tree-trunk. The signal drum or tundai of the Jivaros is just a log of hard wood, carefully hollowed out by hand and slung between a couple of poles for support. It is beaten with a club and the sound emitted has remarkable carrying qualities. If anything of moment ever occurs in the locality, the news is spread from house to house through the medium of the tundai. It also plays a prominent part on all festive occasions.’ [2] ’First, the tunduí is beaten at the feasts when the narcotics nate´ma or maikoa are ceremonially consumed. In this case the drumming is in very slow time’ [3] ’Secondly, the Jibaros beat the tunduí at the feasts (nambeŕa) where the ordinary manioc-beer (nihamańchi) or the beer made of the fruit of the chontaruŕu palm is ceremonially consumed.’ [3] ’In both these cases the spirits (iguańchi), and not human beings, are summoned by means of the tunduí. But thirdly, the Indians use the signal drum to summon their human friends in two events, namely, when a death has taken place in a house and when enemies are [112] making an attack upon it. Since a death is always set down by the Jibaros to the secret machinations of some enemy sorcerer, the situation in the two events is essentially the same. The beating of the drum is a cry for help, or a notification that a crime has been committed. In this third case, i.e. when the drum is beaten for the purpose of giving friends notice of danger, the signalling consists of a series of short, fast strokes in a tone which, in each series, is at first forte or fortissimo and thereafter gradually diminishes. This is repeated several times. This particular mode of signalling is called Pakinmawae.”’ [4] ’“The big signal drum of the Jibaros, called tundúi, also plays a part in the wars, although originally it seems to have been a purely religious instrument. At times when there is fear of an attack of enemies it is placed outside the house on the hill, and the beats may then be heard at a distance of several miles. The drum tundúi is beaten when the Jibaros drink the narcotics maikoa and natéma-in which case the object is to summon the spirits that inhabit these sacred drinks-also after a death, and lastly to give friends notice of an attack by enemies. In the latter case the signalling consists of a series of short and fast beats at a time which is at first forte or fortissimo and there-after gradually diminishes. When the friends in the other houses hear these beats they say: Pakinmawae, ‘they are killing’. Hence this whole mode of signaling is called Pakinmawae. As soon as the inhabitants of a house get knowledge of or suspect the presence of enemies, and also during the attack, if there is time for it, they try by beating the tundúi to summon their friends for rescue, and the singalling may sometimes cause the enemy, fearing the arrival of help, to give up his evil intention and take flight.”’ [5] They did not use professional couriers or postal services.
[1]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 74
[2]: Dyott, George Miller 1926. “On The Trail Of The Unknown In The Wilds Of Ecuador And The Amazon", 173
[3]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru”, 111p
[4]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru", 111p
[5]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru”, 264
"If a jivaría has reason to suspect that an attack is impending a palisade of balsa logs is set up around the house with small loopholes here and there between the posts to serve for observation and to shoot through. The walls of the house itself are reinforced on the inside with posts about 5 feet high." [1] "When we arrived in the community of Santü and Bupátä several weeks after the Tsimu killing, both males were fortifying the settlement against an anticipated revenge attack. Walls of palm slats were already up around each wooden bed platform in the normally wall-less houses. Furthermore, the settlement clearing in which their two houses stood was slowly being encircled by a defensive palisade, or wínUkü, roughly 2½ m high, which immediately identifies a settlement presently or recently at war." [2]
[1]: Stirling, Matthew Williams. 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians.”
[2]: Bennett Ross, Jane. 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro.”, 103
"On the Casu, a tributary of the Apaga River, were two large abandoned jivarías, both strongly fortified by means of an inner wall 6 or 8 inches from the main wall standing about 5 feet in height, the intervening space being filled with small boulders gathered from the river bed, thus affording an excellent barricade in case of attack. Just off the end of the building which was evidently considered least vulnerable there was a small room barely 15 feet square which was protected on all sides in the same manner, but was raised about 20 feet from the ground, supported by four stout posts and placed conveniently near the little door of the main building so that one could at once step on a notched tree trunk and climb to safety, throwing the ladder away. These places are used for the safety of women and children in times of raiding and as a final refuge. Should the enemy try to climb to the hut, a shower of rocks is dropped down upon them, a supply being kept ready for that purpose. Climbing into one of these curious towers, it was found to have convenient niches in order that the occupants could command a complete view of the clearing on all sides and any Indian being fortunate enough to own a rifle and ammunition could easily hold at bay a strong force. However, the purpose of the structure is primarily as a protection for the women while the male occupants of the jivaría fight the enemy with their lances and shields." [1]
[1]: Stirling, Matthew Williams. 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians.”, 60
older reports describe make-shift palisades and watchtowers made from wood only even if stones were added.
The shuar house is generally constructed with an eye to defense. As a rule, a house is erected in a small clearing, one side of which either faces a steep mountainside or a river bank. [1] "When the menaced Jívaro is the chief of the tribe or a person of prestige, he constructs a very remarkable kind of a fort on the top of a hill where he can see a long way. Four enormous strong posts, 25 m. high, chosen from among the strongest in the forest, support a little room 3 m. square with a floor of strong wood, a roof like those in the houses, surrounded by a wall of chonta and caña one meter high. A big ladder is the only way of getting in. In this fort are placed an enormous tunduli, rocks to be thrown against the assailants, lances, machetes, implements of every sort, and occasionally a good Winchester rifle completes the armament. It is unnecessary to add that all the approaches are protected by numerous traps." [2]
[1]: Stirling, Matthew Williams. 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians.”, 59
[2]: Rivet, Paul. 1907. “Jivaro Indians: Geographic, Historical And Ethnographic Research.”, 617-618
older reports describe make-shift palisades and watchtowers made from wood only.
older reports describe make-shift palisades and watchtowers made from wood only.
[NB: The following has been classed as a settlement in a defensive position for the time being, as it is uncertain whether this satisfies the description of a fortified camp: "When the menaced Jívaro is the chief of the tribe or a person of prestige, he constructs a very remarkable kind of a fort on the top of a hill where he can see a long way. Four enormous strong posts, 25 m. high, chosen from among the strongest in the forest, support a little room 3 m. square with a floor of strong wood, a roof like those in the houses, surrounded by a wall of chonta and caña one meter high. A big ladder is the only way of getting in. In this fort are placed an enormous tunduli, rocks to be thrown against the assailants, lances, machetes, implements of every sort, and occasionally a good Winchester rifle completes the armament. It is unnecessary to add that all the approaches are protected by numerous traps." [1] ]
[1]: Rivet, Paul. 1907. “Jivaro Indians: Geographic, Historical And Ethnographic Research.”, 617-618
older reports describe make-shift palisades and watchtowers made from wood only.
"It is still common among the Jibaros to arrange a kind of trap on the way which leads to the house and where one expects the enemy will try to approach it. One such trap consists of a round hole in the ground, about 1 1/2 meters deep and large enough for a full-grown man to fall into it. At the bottom of the hole three pointed sticks of chonta, resembling points of lances, are arranged in an erect position. These pointed sticks are called ashi. The part which sticks out from the earth has a length of about half a meter. At the surface of the earth the opening of the hole is covered with small sticks and leaves which makes it difficult or impossible for the enemy, creeping along in the darkness, to discover its presence before he falls into it. When he falls his feet are transfixed by the pointed sticks and he is not able to get out. Besides, the defenders of the house are often keeping watch at these holes, ready to dispatch the enemy when he is caught in them. The Jibaros call these traps mesértinyu whua, ‘a hole of death’". [1]
[1]: Karsten, Rafael. 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru.", 262-264
older reports describe make-shift palisades and watchtowers made from wood only.
The Jesuits were shortly forced to withdraw from Gualaquiza and Macas due to political reasons, but they left behind them at Gualaquiza a few mestizos who constituted the first new permanent white settlement in the Shuar region since 1599. These mestizos seem to have been tolerated by the Shuar as a source of Western-manufactured goods, especially machetes and steel lance heads, the latter specially manufactured in the adjacent highland province of Azuay for the Shuar trade. [1]
[1]: Harner, Michael J. 1973. “Jívaro: People Of The Sacred Waterfalls.”, 29
Spears with iron points were generally in use when I visited the Indians. The point (see Figure 7) has a socket at the bottom. The shaft is fastened into the socket with the help of resin. The spear or lance has a length of 2 1/2 - 3 1/2 meters. They are said to obtain the iron points by way of barter from the Indians along the upper Senepa. The points are said to come from Ecuador. The spear with the iron point is called nánki by the Indians. Formerly spears were used shaped out of the wood of the chonta palm, and they still occur in isolated instances. The shape of their point is the same as the iron one, but its cross-section shows a somewhat concave outline. Shaft and point are made out of one piece. These chonta lances are called angös. [1] “Their arms are the spear of chouta, sometimes furnished with an iron head, and ‘bodoquera,’ or blow-gun, for smaller game and birds. Some use shields.” [2]
[1]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 71
[2]: Simson, Alfred. 1880. “Notes On The Jivaros And Canelos Indians.”, 387
[NB: Military use of copper was documented several centuries earlier but no mention of this was found in the sources concerning the Ecuadorian time period. See: "Salinas, writing in 1571 (second letter), says that the Indians in the vicinity of Santiago have copper axes, ( ) shields made of tapir skin and of wood, and spear throwers." [1]
[1]: Stirling, Matthew Williams. 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians.”, 78-79
[NB: Traps involving spears under tension were used for defensive purposes but it is presumed that this does not qualify as a siege engine? See: "At intervals along the trails leading to the house strong saplings are bent back, attached with strings leading across the trail with trap releases. Spears are attached to these saplings so that when the string is stepped against, the sapling will react as a catapult, launching the spear into the body of the person releasing the trap. Deadfalls with pointed chonta sticks on the bottoms are dug at various strategic points. Frequently a trench with the bottom covered with chonta points in this fashion is dug entirely around the house. Great pains are taken to cover this naturally, so as to make its location difficult to detect. Loaded guns with strings attached to the triggers are also set up here and there along the trails in the manner of the spear-catapults." [1] ]
[1]: Stirling, Matthew Williams. 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians.”, 59
the sources mention machetes, rifles and arrows but to the best of our knowledge no other weapons were used at the time
Ordinary bows and arrows of the kind used by most other South American Indians, are entirely unknown both to the Jibaros and the Canelos Indians. [1] Some words may be added as to the arrows used for the poison and the blowgun with which they are shot off. The arrows bear no similarity to the ordinary long arrows known from most South American tribes and let off with a bow, a type of weapon entirely unknown to the Jibaros. [2] The speed with which the darts are produced makes the blowgun an extremely economical weapon to operate compared, for example, to the bow and arrow, with which the Shuar are not acquainted. [3]
[1]: Karsten, Rafael. 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru.”, 107
[2]: Karsten, Rafael. 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru.”, 156
[3]: Harner, Michael J. 1973. “Jívaro: People Of The Sacred Waterfalls.”, 57
The lance is a thrusting weapon but sometimes, although very rarely, it is employed as a missile. [1] Mortillet says that the javelin proper consists of a shaft 76 cm. in length made from a stalk of caña brava (Guadua latifolia), which is smooth on the outside but filled with pith and unusually light in weight. One of the extremities is closed by a plug made of a resistant wood for receiving the spur of the throwing stick. Into the other extremity is fixed a chonta point in the form of a very sharp prismatic prong about 22 cm in length. [2]
[1]: Rivet, Paul. 1907. “Jivaro Indians: Geographic, Historical And Ethnographic Research.”, 593
[2]: Stirling, Matthew Williams. 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians.", 86
Guns clearly were revolutionary in their impact, producing a situation analogous to that reported by Vayda (1970) for the Maori of New Zealand. The same strenuous efforts were made by hostile Shuar groups to obtain firearms from a limited number of access points. The missionary, Vacas Galindo, reports of one local group allied with Candoshi along the Situye River who, under great pressure from expanding Upano Shuar, ambushed a war party from that district with plans to exchange their shrunken heads with traders down on the Marañón for more firearms (Vacas Galindo 1895:173-178)... Access to firearms was difficult at best along the Alto Marañón and certainly uneven among the various Shuar at this time. Antipas and Aguaruna Indians, whom Up de Graff subsequently encountered upriver near the Pongo, also were known to descend the Marañón to barter at Barranca, even subsequent to the Huambisa treachery of 1898. Yet not one of their approximately 200 warriors carried a firearm as they escorted the explorer up the Santiago River on a collective headtaking expedition against the Huambisas in 1899 (1923:241, 251). Furthermore, they quickly fled southward after raiding several settlements, fearful of retaliation by enemies whom they knew to possess weapons far superior to their own (1923:275; cf. Stirling 1938:58)... As among the Maori, in the early days of acquiring Western weapons, “the outcomes of engagements … reflected mainly the relative success of groups in obtaining guns” (Vayda 1970:580). It is perhaps equally true that while the acquisition of guns became a material goal of raids and head-hunting (setting aside the supernatural motivations), the possession of guns also facilitated long-distance forays, enabling men from the Upano Valley, for example, to range as far south as the Marañón River (Harner 1972:116) through otherwise hostile country (cf. Vayda 1970:580). [1]
[1]: Bennett Ross, Jane. 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro.", 90-92
the sources mention machetes, rifles and arrows but to the best of our knowledge no other weapons were used at the time
the sources mention machetes, rifles and arrows but to the best of our knowledge no other weapons were used at the time
the sources mention machetes, rifles and arrows but to the best of our knowledge no other weapons were used at the time
[NB: Spear-throwers were likely obselete and out of use by the time period in question: It seems clear that during the sixteenth century the Shuar used lances, spear throwers, and bows and arrows. Sometime during the latter part of the seventeenth century the bow and arrow and the spear thrower began to go out of use, being replaced by the blowgun with poison darts... The use of the spear thrower appears now to be entirely forgotten by the Shuar. [1] ] The spear-thrower is made of a piece of wood about 69 cm. long, with a groove hollowed on its upper side to receive the handle of the javelin; the rear end of the latter butts against the edge of the spear-thrower. The spear-thrower has a hole on its lower surface at the junction of its posterior and middle thirds, where the Indian puts his index finger in order to throw the javelin, as the illustration shows. The complete apparatus measures about 1 meter long. [2]
[1]: Stirling, Matthew Williams. 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians.”, 79-86
[2]: Rivet, Paul. 1907. “Jivaro Indians: Geographic, Historical And Ethnographic Research.”
Salinas says that the Mainas, eastern neighbors of the Shuar, for their arms have darts, shields, throwing rods with spear throwers, and wooden clubs (macanas) made of palm wood. There has been no reference to the use of clubs by the Shuar. [1] They do not have slings for the hurling of arrows. No slings at all. No clubs. [2]
[1]: Stirling, Matthew Williams. 1938. “Historical And Ethnographical Material On The Jivaro Indians.”, 78-79
[2]: Tessmann, Günter, b. 1884. 1930. “Indians Of Northeastern Peru.”, 355
the sources mention machetes, rifles and arrows but to the best of our knowledge no other weapons were used at the time.
Spears with iron points were generally in use when I visited the Indians. The point (see Figure 7) has a socket at the bottom. The shaft is fastened into the socket with the help of resin. The spear or lance has a length of 2 1/2 - 3 1/2 meters. They are said to obtain the iron points by way of barter from the Indians along the upper Senepa. The points are said to come from Ecuador. The spear with the iron point is called nánki by the Indians. Formerly spears were used shaped out of the wood of the chonta palm, and they still occur in isolated instances. The shape of their point is the same as the iron one, but its cross-section shows a somewhat concave outline. Shaft and point are made out of one piece. These chonta lances are called angös. [1]
[1]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 71
the sources mention machetes, rifles and arrows but to the best of our knowledge no other weapons were used at the time
A long time ago they started to import a dagger with short haft and a long, wide iron blade. (See Plate 59, Fig. 6) The dagger is worn in a scabbard on a belt. Two hollowed-out pieces of wood form the scabbard. [1] Machetes and the less common trade knives are also sometimes employed as fighting weapons. [2] It may be that the Shuar themselves do not place very much confidence in the truth of their own war reports, or perhaps there are other reasons for demanding positive proof of the executed blood revenge and courage, but this much is certain, only the one who can display the head of the enemy as a trophy is regarded as victor. Thus all the effort goes into beheading the enemy. This is easy in an ambush, but more difficult in a regular battle. The warriors are armed with shield and lances and lately with large forest knives. [3]
[1]: Tessmann, Günter, b. 1884. 1930. “Indians Of Northeastern Peru.”, 355
[2]: Harner, Michael J. 1973. “Jívaro: People Of The Sacred Waterfalls.”, 68
[3]: Reiss, W. (Wilhelm) 1880. “Visit Among The Jivaro Indians”, 13
The relative isolation of the interior Shuar, however, had not prevented them from obtaining increasing quantities of machetes, steel axes, and shotguns. By means of neighborhood-to-neighborhood relays of native trading partners, these products of Western civilization were passed from the frontier Shuar into the most remote parts of the tribal territory. All of the interior Shuar neighborhoods were thus supplied with steel cutting tools, firearms, and ammunition without the necessity of coming into direct contact with the white population. [1]
[1]: Harner, Michael J. 1973. “Jívaro: People Of The Sacred Waterfalls.”, 39
descriptions of raids make no mention of animals accompanying warriors
descriptions of raids make no mention of animals accompanying warriors
descriptions of raids make no mention of animals accompanying warriors
The terrible custom demands ever new, ever more victims, all security must disappear, every individual constantly lives in danger of being ambushed; there is a general and permanent state of war. Hence the arrangement of the houses, one door of which can be used for flight, while the battle rages at the other; hence the customs mentioned at the beginning in connection with approaching a dwelling, for the protection of which, in addition, a pack of half-wild dogs are kept. [1] At least one or two dogs are kept in most households. These not only aid in hunting in the forest, as mentioned earlier, but also protect the garden crops, including the manioc tubers, from devastation by agouti and other rodents. A family without a good hunting dog lives in fear of losing much of its garden produce within a few months. An equally important service that they provide is to act as watchdogs against surprise attacks. Leashed to beds in the women’s end of the house (see Plate 11), their slightest barking usually results in the household head seizing his gun and preparing to defend himself and his family. Since the dogs’ barking indicates that the intended victim has been alerted, the attacking party generally withdraws. Interestingly, the name for dog, niawá, is the same term used to designate the feared and respected jaguar. [2]
[1]: Reiss, W. (Wilhelm) 1880. “Visit Among The Jivaro Indians”, 13
[2]: Harner, Michael J. 1973. “Jívaro: People Of The Sacred Waterfalls.”, 63
descriptions of raids make no mention of animals accompanying warriors
The warriors are armed with shield and lances and lately with large forest knives. The circular shield, carved out of a single piece of soft and light wood, is about half as high as a man; the lance, made out of a thin, hard palm shaft (chonta) provided with a tip made out of bone or iron, is six to seven feet long or more. [1]
[1]: Reiss, W. (Wilhelm). 1880. “Visit Among The Jivaro Indians.", 13
The warriors are armed with shield and lances and lately with large forest knives. The circular shield, carved out of a single piece of soft and light wood, is about half as high as a man; the lance, made out of a thin, hard palm shaft (chonta) provided with a tip made out of bone or iron, is six to seven feet long or more. The troops advance close together, each man in a bent position protected behind his shield; the lance rests in the right hand, held close to the tip. By a slight, regular movement of the right arm the long shaft, held horizontally, is set to swinging vertically in order to give the weapon steadiness and force when it is suddenly thrust forward. Shield pressed to shield, they fight man to man amidst loud war cries; each tries to protect himself; each tries to discover a weakness of the opponent, without overly exposing himself to the stones thrown by the women and children. [1]
[1]: Reiss, W. (Wilhelm). 1880. “Visit Among The Jivaro Indians.", 13
The ethnographic record contains descriptions of caps and ornamentation rather than physical armor in the conventional sense of the term
The ethnographic record contains descriptions of caps and ornamentation rather than physical armor in the conventional sense of the term
When the Jibaro warrior prepares for an attack against an enemy he puts on his head a sort of cap made of monkey’s skin, which he prefers to the ordinary head ornament made of parrot or tucan feathers (tawása). The ear-tubes ought to be as large as possible so that their ends nearly reach the shoulders. Around the neck the warrior wears a necklace of jaguar’s teeth and round the waist the usual cincture of human hair (akáchu). Old warriors, however, for an attack prefer to cincture themselves with a broad belt of the skin of the great boa. The uncovered part of the body, the face, the breast, the back, the arms, and legs, are finally painted black with genipa (sua). [1]
[1]: Karsten, Rafael. 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru.”, 287-288
Not mentioned in the sources, but was in use in the previous polity
The ethnographic record contains descriptions of caps and ornamentation rather than physical armor in the conventional sense of the term
The ethnographic record contains descriptions of caps and ornamentation rather than physical armor in the conventional sense of the term: When the Jibaro warrior prepares for an attack against an enemy he puts on his head a sort of cap made of monkey’s skin, which he prefers to the ordinary head ornament made of parrot or tucan feathers (tawása). The ear-tubes ought to be as large as possible so that their ends nearly reach the shoulders. [1]
[1]: Karsten, Rafael. 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru.”, 287-288
The ethnographic record contains descriptions of caps and ornamentation rather than physical armor in the conventional sense of the term
When the Jibaro warrior prepares for an attack against an enemy he puts on his head a sort of cap made of monkey’s skin, which he prefers to the ordinary head ornament made of parrot or tucan feathers (tawása). The ear-tubes ought to be as large as possible so that their ends nearly reach the shoulders. Around the neck the warrior wears a necklace of jaguar’s teeth and round the waist the usual cincture of human hair (akáchu). Old warriors, however, for an attack prefer to cincture themselves with a broad belt of the skin of the great boa. The uncovered part of the body, the face, the breast, the back, the arms, and legs, are finally painted black with genipa (sua). [1]
[1]: Karsten, Rafael. 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru.”, 287-288
Only canoes are mentioned in the sources
"The co-operation provided by such non-untsuri šuarä inviters has sometimes made it possible for the Jívaro to travel incredibly far to kill. In one fondly remembered case, the assistance given by a tsumu šuarä (Huambisa) inviter-guide made it possible for a Jívaro expedition to pass down the Río Santiago by canoe through the entire Huambisa tribe and to wipe out most of an Aguaruna household on the Río Marañon below the Pongo de Manseriche." [1]
[1]: Harner, Michael J. 1973. “Jívaro: People Of The Sacred Waterfalls.”, 116
Only canoes are mentioned in the sources