A viewset for viewing and editing Religious Levels.

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            "description": "1. shamanistic local figures, having religious and social authority§REF§K. Mizoguchi, 2013. The Archaeology of Japan. From the Earliest Rice Farming Villages to the Rise of the State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 299.§REF§.<br>\"Between A.D. 300 and A.D. 500 people in the area of the present day Kobe-Osaka-Kyoto triangle began to bury their elite dead in huge stone sarcophagi covered by keyhole-shaped earthen mounds called kofun.\"§REF§(Jones 2015, 87-88) Jones, David. 2015. Martial Arts Training in Japan: A Guide for Westerners. Tuttle Publishing.§REF§<br>Mound building until change of emphasis to constructing Buddhist temples \"from the sixth century onwards.\"§REF§(Ikawa-Smith 1985, 396) Ikawa-Smith, Fumiko in Misra, Virenda N. Bellwood, Peter S. 1985. Recent Advances in Indo-Pacific Prehistory: Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at Poona, December 19-21, 1978. BRILL.§REF§<br>_Buddhism_<br>",
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                "name": "JpKofun",
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                "long_name": "Kansai - Kofun Period",
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                "general_description": "The Kofun period is commonly defined by the emergence and spread of mounded tombs, from which derive the word <i>Kofun</i> meaning \"old tumulus\"(Ko (=ancient) + fun(=tumulus)). §REF§ Mizoguchi, K., 2009.Nodes and edges: A network approach to hierarchisation and state formation in Japan. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 28, 15. §REF§  §REF§ G. Barnes, 2007. State formation in Japan: Emergence of a 4th-century ruling elite. Routledge, 7. §REF§  The most visually prominent type of these mounds is the monumental keyhole shaped tomb that spread from northern Kyushu to Kanto from the middle of the third century onwards. §REF§ Hirose, K. 1992. ‘Zenphkhenfun no Kinai hennen [Chronology of keyhole tombs in the Kinai]’. In Y. Kondh (ed.). Kinki-hen, pp. 24-6. §REF§  §REF§ K. Mizoguchi, 2013. The Archaeology of Japan. From the Earliest Rice Farming Villages to the Rise of the State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 221-226. §REF§  The large-sized keyhole shaped tombs have been interpreted as the burials of regional leaders. §REF§ G. Barnes, 2007. State formation in Japan: Emergence of a 4th-century ruling elite. Routledge, 7. §REF§  Most of the largest keyhole shaped tumuli are distributed in the present-day Nara basin and Osaka plain of the Kansai region, which could have played a prominent political role in Japan during the Kofun period. §REF§ Mizoguchi, K., 2009.Nodes and edges: A network approach to hierarchisation and state formation in Japan. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 28, 15. §REF§  The Kofun period is sub-divided into three sub-periods: Early (250-400 CE), Middle (400-475 CE), and Late (475-710 CE). §REF§ G. Barnes, 2007. State formation in Japan: Emergence of a 4th-century ruling elite. Routledge, 9.   §REF§  This sub-division is based on changes in tomb structures and their assemblages, in settlement patterns and in ruling dynasties. In fact, the seat of the political centre shifted from Miwa, during the Early Kofun, to Kawachi, in the Middle Kofun, and finally to Asuka in the Late Kofun period. §REF§ G. Barnes, 2007. State formation in Japan: Emergence of a 4th-century ruling elite. Routledge, 10. §REF§ <br><i>Population and political organization</i><br>The Early Kofun period is characterized by the spatial distribution of many contemporaneous large keyhole shaped tumuli, which represent the presence of several different polities and regional leaders. §REF§ Mizoguchi, K., 2009.Nodes and edges: A network approach to hierarchisation and state formation in Japan. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 28, 15. §REF§  §REF§ K. Mizoguchi, 2013. The Archaeology of Japan. From the Earliest Rice Farming Villages to the Rise of the State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 243. §REF§  In this period, bronze mirrors, beads of jasper and green tuff, <i>haniwa</i> vessels, iron weapons and tools were deposited in the large mounded tombs, which likely hosted the burial of a regional chief. §REF§ K. Mizoguchi, 2013. The Archaeology of Japan. From the Earliest Rice Farming Villages to the Rise of the State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 259-264. §REF§  The burial chambers were either cists made of slate stone in oblong plan or vertical pitsdug on the top of the mound. §REF§ K. Mizoguchi, 2013. The Archaeology of Japan. From the Earliest Rice Farming Villages to the Rise of the State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 249-250. §REF§  The political centre was Miwa, in the south-eastern Nara basin. Thi centres incorporated the Makimuku district, which housed the large Hashikaka keyhole-shaped tomb (280 m long), considered to be the burial place of the queen Himiko. §REF§ G. Barnes, 2007. State formation in Japan: Emergence of a 4th-century ruling elite. Routledge, 9.   §REF§  The power was held at Miwa by the Sujin dynasty. §REF§ Kawamura, Y. 2004. ‘Shoki Wa seiken to tamazukuri shidan [Early Wa authority and bead production]’. Khkogaku Kenkyi 50 (4): 55-75. §REF§  §REF§ G. Barnes, 2007. State formation in Japan: Emergence of a 4th-century ruling elite. Routledge, 9-10. §REF§ <br>The Middle Kofun period is characterized by the spread of large keyhole-shaped mounds in the Osaka Plains.The grave assemblage met substantial change: bronze mirrors and fine beadstone objects were no longer deposited. §REF§ G. Barnes, 2007. State formation in Japan: Emergence of a 4th-century ruling elite. Routledge, 10. §REF§  §REF§ K. Mizoguchi, 2013. The Archaeology of Japan. From the Earliest Rice Farming Villages to the Rise of the State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 260-263. §REF§  Instead, the amount of iron deposited in the tombs in form of weapons and/or tools increased. §REF§ G. Barnes, 2007. State formation in Japan: Emergence of a 4th-century ruling elite. Routledge, 10. §REF§  Beads, armlets and talismans begant to be made of talc, and they were not only deposited in burials but also used in landscape rituals. §REF§ K. Mizoguchi, 2013. The Archaeology of Japan. From the Earliest Rice Farming Villages to the Rise of the State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 262. §REF§  §REF§ Barnes, G., 2006. ‘Ritualized beadstone in Kofun-period society’. East Asia Journal: studies in material culture 2(1). §REF§  §REF§ Kaner, Simon. \"The Archaeology of Religion and Ritual in the Prehistoric Japanese Archipelago.\" The Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of Ritual and Religion (2011): 457-469. §REF§  Horse trappings, gilt-bronze ornaments and gold jewellery began being deposited in the grave assemblage of large burial mounds. §REF§ G. Barnes, 2007. State formation in Japan: Emergence of a 4th-century ruling elite. Routledge, 10. §REF§  In this period, the power was exerted by the Ojin dynasty in the centre of Kawachi, in the east central Osaka prefecture. §REF§ G. Barnes, 2007. State formation in Japan: Emergence of a 4th-century ruling elite. Routledge, 10. §REF§ <br>In the Late Kofun Period the size of the burial mounds decreased significantly and the construction of large keyhole-shaped tumuli ceased, except for the Kanto region. Thereafter, the tumuli of the regional leaders were downsized and built in a rectangular and square shape. §REF§ Shiraishi, T., 1999. ‘Kofun kara mita yamato Hken to Azuma [Viewing Yamato kingly authority and the eastern provinces from mounded tombs]’. Khkai khkogaku khza, pp. 15-17 (conference pamphlet). Maebashi: Gunma-ken Maizhbunkazai Chhsajigyhdan. §REF§  §REF§ G. Barnes, 2007. State formation in Japan: Emergence of a 4th-century ruling elite. Routledge, 10-11. §REF§  §REF§ K. Mizoguchi, 2013. The Archaeology of Japan. From the Earliest Rice Farming Villages to the Rise of the State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 297-298. §REF§  This decline was followed by the proliferation of clusters of small round tumuli called \"packed tumuli clusters\". §REF§ K. Mizoguchi, 2013. The Archaeology of Japan. From the Earliest Rice Farming Villages to the Rise of the State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 298. §REF§  They have been interpreted as the result of the emulation of the chiefly habits by powerful extended family-scale groupings. §REF§ K. Mizoguchi, 2013. The Archaeology of Japan. From the Earliest Rice Farming Villages to the Rise of the State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 298-299. §REF§  In this period were also introduced the corridor-chamber tombs and the cliff-cut cave tombs. §REF§ G. Barnes, 2007. State formation in Japan: Emergence of a 4th-century ruling elite. Routledge, 14. §REF§  The power was held by the Keitai dinasty in the centre of Asuka, in southern Nara prefecture. §REF§ G. Barnes, 2007. State formation in Japan: Emergence of a 4th-century ruling elite. Routledge, 10, 14. §REF§  The introduction of Buddhism in 552 CE, determined a new Buddhism-based culture in the area. §REF§ G. Barnes, 2007. State formation in Japan: Emergence of a 4th-century ruling elite. Routledge, 14. §REF§ <br>We have estimated the population of Kansai to be between 150,000 and 200,000 people in 300 CE, and between 1.5 million and 2 million by 500 CE. An estimated 16.8% of the Japanese population lived in Kansai from 250-599 CE. §REF§  Kidder, J. E., 2007. Himiko and Japan's elusive chiefdom of Yamatai: archaeology, history, and mythology. University of Hawaii Press, 60.  §REF§   §REF§  Koyama, S., 1978. Jomon Subsistence and Population. Senri Ethnological Studies 2. Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology §REF§ ",
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            "description": " levels. Shamans. §REF§(Kradin 2015, personal communication)§REF§ Buddhism was also present, probably more levels: \"The Juan-juan khagans and nobles were well acquainted with Buddhist teachings and were probably Buddhists as early as the beginning of the sixth century. It is known that in 511 they sent a Buddhist monk and preacher to China with the gift of an image of the Buddha ornamented with pearls for the emperor.\" §REF§(Kyzlasov 1996, 317)§REF§",
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            "description": " levels. Shamans. §REF§(Kradin 2015, personal communication)§REF§ Buddhism was also present, probably more levels: \"The Juan-juan khagans and nobles were well acquainted with Buddhist teachings and were probably Buddhists as early as the beginning of the sixth century. It is known that in 511 they sent a Buddhist monk and preacher to China with the gift of an image of the Buddha ornamented with pearls for the emperor.\" §REF§(Kyzlasov 1996, 317)§REF§",
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            "description": " levels.<br>\"At Cahokia there may have been no difference between the religious and political hierarchy. They were interlocked, impossible to disentangle.\"§REF§(Peregrine/Kelly 2014, 23)§REF§<br>1. Chief / Priest<br>In the Emergent Mississippian period: \"perhaps the appearance of chiefs\" §REF§(Iseminger 2010, 26)§REF§<br>\"Cahokia may have been led by a priesthood or a group of ruler-priests, but a shift to “king” does not appear to have happened at Cahokia.\"§REF§(Peregrine 2014, 31)§REF§<br>2. Sub-chief / Sub-priest?<br>\"Members of the highest social strata probably included chiefs, sub-chiefs, elders, priests, and other religious functionaries.\" §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>3. Elder / Religious functionary<br>kin group leaders §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>",
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                "long_name": "Cahokia - Emergent Mississippian II",
                "new_name": "us_emergent_mississippian_2",
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                "general_description": "In the Emergent Mississippian Period (900-1050 CE) the Upper Mississippi region was populated by a number of small communities. The population of the largest settlement was probably in the region of 500 people - but a population is not thought to have been resident at the site that later became Cahokia until towards the end of the period.<br>In this period the trends established in the Sponemann-Collinsville-Loyd Period continued. Maize farming was intensified and consumption increased creating higher yields and needs for storage and larger populations. §REF§ (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95) J H Blitz. E S Porth. 2013. Social complexity and the Bow in the Eastern Woodlands. Evolutionary Anthropology. 22:89-95. Wiley. §REF§  §REF§ (Milner 2006, xx) G R Milner. 2006. The Cahokia Chiefdom: The Archaeology of a Mississippian Society. University Press of Florida. Gainesville. §REF§  Paregrine and Trubitt (2014) note that Cahokia was an excellent environment for growing maize and its geographic location meant it was easily accessible from many directions. §REF§ (Peregrine/Trubitt 2014, 20) Peregrine P, Ortman S, Rupley, E. 2014. Social Complexity at Cahokia. SFI WORKING PAPER: 2014-03-004. Sante Fe Institute. §REF§  It is thought that many different groups created the initial settlement at Cahokia, bringing with them a social structure. §REF§ (Peregrine/Iseminger 2014, 27) Peregrine P, Ortman S, Rupley, E. 2014. Social Complexity at Cahokia. SFI WORKING PAPER: 2014-03-004. Sante Fe Institute. §REF§ <br>The levels of social complexity in Emergent Mississippian societies were increasing creating specialised social roles for \"community defense, organization of labor, and communal storage of maize\". Settlements now consisted of court-yard clusters and \"toward [1000 CE], the southern pattern of civic-ceremonial centers with large earthen mounds was established in many places.\" §REF§ (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95) J H Blitz. E S Porth. 2013. Social complexity and the Bow in the Eastern Woodlands. Evolutionary Anthropology. 22:89-95. Wiley. §REF§  Warfare appears to have become established. The percentage of sites that were palisaded increased throughout this period from 0.5% 800-950 CE, to 1.5% of sites 1000 CE, to 3% of sites in 1050 CE. §REF§ (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013) G R Milner. G Chaplin. E Zavodny. 2013. Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America. Evolutionary Anthropology. 22:96-102. Wiley.  §REF§  The nucleated nature of the settlements themselves may also have been a \"defensive response to bow warfare.\" §REF§ (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95) J H Blitz. E S Porth. 2013. Social complexity and the Bow in the Eastern Woodlands. Evolutionary Anthropology. 22:89-95. Wiley. §REF§ <br><br/>",
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            "description": " levels.<br>(2) Bishops; (1) Priests<br>'At the start of the Icelandic Commonwealth the dominant religious tradition was Nordic paganism. There is no data on the number of religious levels for Nordic paganism. Christianity (in the form of Catholicism) was introduced around 1000 CE. In 1056 CE Christianity was officially accepted as the official religion. The conversion was largely the result of a top-down decision. There is no data available on a popular Christian movement in the years before 1056 CE. The Church followed the standardized Catholic hierarchy consisting of a bishop, (deacons), and priests. Before 1056 the code should probably be 1 as we have no indications of religious hierarchy in either pagan or early Christian times.' §REF§Árni Daniel Júlíusson and Axel Kristissen 2017, pers. comm. to E. Brandl and D. Mullins§REF§ Christianity was introduced around 1000ce: 'Iceland was settled before any significant impact of Christianity in Scandinavia and the early Icelanders were pagans. Many of the Celtic people incorporated in the foundational population were probably Christian but this appears to have had little impact in the society in general. Pre-Christian religious practices are known largely by poetic and literary sources, all recorded during the Christian era, and some traces of material culture. These sources depict a rich cosmology including the Norse pantheon of gods and giants. Thor held a place of special significance based on his frequent inclusion in person and place names. The Icelanders inhabited an environment rich in supernatural entities including trolls, elves, and ghosts. Prescience and magical abilities were often attributed to individuals. In 1000 A.D., responding to a combination of internal and foreign pressure exerted by the Norwegian king, the Icelanders meeting at the General Assembly decided to adopt Christianity as the common religion. Hencefor th Iceland was officially Christian although many of the traditional beliefs remained.' §REF§Bolender, Douglas James and Beirle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for Early Icelanders§REF§ 'By the end of the 10th century, the Norwegians were forced by their king, Olaf I Tryggvason, to accept Christianity. The king also sent missionaries to Iceland who, according to 12th-century sources, were highly successful in converting the Icelanders. In 999 or 1000 the Althing made a peaceful decision that all Icelanders should become Christians. In spite of this decision, the godar retained their political role, and many of them probably built their own churches. Some were ordained, and as a group they seem to have closely controlled the organization of the new religion. Two bishoprics were established, one at Skálholt in 1056 and the other at Hólar in 1106. Literate Christian culture also transformed lay life. Codification of the law was begun in 1117-18. Later the Icelanders began to write sagas, which were to reach their pinnacle of literary achievement in the next century.' §REF§<a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://www.britannica.com/place/Iceland/Government-and-society#toc10088\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://www.britannica.com/place/Iceland/Government-and-society#toc10088</a>§REF§ During the pagan period, chiefs frequently fulfilled religious functions: 'Pagan ceremonies were varied, and the details handed down by later Christian texts are not clear. Sacrificial rites performed by household heads or chieftains played a part in the ritual. Certain rituals seeking the intercession of spirits for divination or assistance (SEIÐR) were largely performed by women. Special cultic sites or buildings (HOFS) existed but religious ceremonies were not limited to these settings. Sacrificial activities were banned shortly after the conversion and Christian ceremonies such as baptism and communion were introduced.' §REF§Bolender, Douglas James and Beirle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for Early Icelanders§REF§ The offices of priest and bishop were introduced after the formal adoption of Christianity, but chiefs and farmers remained primary actors in the performance of rituals: 'The political institution of chieftaincy (GOÐORÐ) was rooted in religious function, a priestly office of intermediary between the community and supernatural forces. It is unclear the degree to which the role of chieftains had been secularized by the occupation of Iceland, but it is likely chiefs played a continued role in local religious activities by performing rites and sacrifices. Religious activities were not exclusive to chieftains. Individuals played a variety of intermediary between the mundane and supernatural roles including private devotions, divination, and sorcery. The conversion to Christianity brought with it the institutions of priest and bishop to Iceland. Throughout much of the early period, the institutional power of the church was weak. Churches were located on privately owned farmlands and were built and maintained by the local farmers who maintained a priest or served as priest himself. The early farm churches were small and probably served little more than the household and immediate neighbors.' §REF§Bolender, Douglas James and Beirle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for Early Icelanders§REF§ The few Icelandic bishops of the Commonwealth period resembled chiefs in their reliance on additional household labour: 'Although I would prefer to flout the conventional wisdom that slavery had all but died out by the eleventh century (Karras 1988a), the household laborers that replaced them in the Commonwealth period were numerous. When Þórðr kakali returns to Iceland Kolbeinn ungi immediately sends out thirty húsmenn to look for him in Eyjafjörðr. Þorsteinn Cod-biter had sixty free men in his household (Eyrbyggja saga, ÍF 4, ch. 11); Guðmundr the Mighty had one hundred (Brennu-Njáls saga, ÍF 12, ch. 113); Sörla þáttr (Ljósvetninga saga), ÍF 10, ch. 1:109); Bishop Páll's household at Skálholt (ca 1200) had seventy to eighty residents, and a household with eighty has been discussed above. It is probably not unfair to say that by the Commonwealth period the majority of the wealth of great bœndur and goðar was the product of teams of house-men and women.' §REF§Samson, Ross 1992. “Goðar: Democrats Of Despots?”, 179§REF§ The interests of the church and the 'secular' elites were in conflict during the phase of intensified internal strife that preceded the Norwegian period: 'As I have mentioned earlier, the era of the Sturlungs was a period bordering on civil war, in which the Sturlunga family was central. What kinds of sentiments would the author of the Eyrbyggja saga, who must have been close to the Sturlungs, be likely to express? Although some of the Sturlung family's most prominent members in Norway had solemnly obliged themselves to further the king's cause, they nevertheless tended to forget the vow when they returned to Iceland. As also was the case with other chieftains, they preferred to act independently of the king. Some of the Sturlungs clearly harbored dreams of being Icelandic kings; others preferred a society governed by an oligarchy of Icelandic [Page 144] chieftains. In both cases sentiments would have been against the Norwegian king's growing influence in Iceland. The Sturlungs were therefore likely to express anti-royal feelings, even though they might admire the king's person. As the aristocracy was competing with the Church, we may also assume that the Sturlungs were against the ascending dominance of the Church in juridical, economic, and moral matters (Hastrup 1985, ch. 7). Two of the Sturlungs had in fact been instrumental in removing bishop Ari Guðmundsson from his bishopric in northern Iceland in 1222 (ST 1:287-298). As representatives of the dominant class, the Sturlungs were also likely to express contempt towards the lower classes. We find all these structurally determined resentments in Eyrbyggja saga.' §REF§Odner, Knut 1992. “Þógunna’S Testament: A Myth For Moral Contemplation And Social Apathy”, 143§REF§ The bishops received seats in the parliament of the general assembly: 'One of the peculiarities of early Iceland was the lack of formal state institutions. The legislature, extensive law code, and judicial system of local and higher courts left prosecution and the enforcement of settlements in the hands of individuals. From an early date, the country was divided into Quarters. Each quarter constituted a broad community with three assemblies (ÞINGS), with the exception of the Northern Quarter that had four, and a system of local courts. Once a year the General Assembly (ALÞINGI) met in the southwest of Iceland. Judicial cases that could not be resolved in local quarters were heard and the parliament (LÖGRÉTTA) convened. The parliament was the principal legislative institution and was responsible for the introduction and maintanence of law. It consisted of chieftains (GOÐAR) from the local quarters. After the conversion to Christianity, the two Icelandic bishops were each given a seat in the parliament. The institution of chieftaincy (GOÐORÐ) was the main locus of political leadership in the country. Originally there were 36 but this number was later expanded. Chieftaincies themselves were a form of property and could be alienated and even divided among multiple individuals. In some cases, individuals asserted power beyond the scope of the political system and controlled multiple chieftaincies. All independent farmers had to be affiliated with a chieftain, although they could choose among any of the chieftains in their quarter and could switch allegiances if they did not feel that their needs were being met. Other than a seat on the parliament, chieftains had few rights beyond those of other independent farmers and few institutional means of dominating others. Chieftains derived much of their authority from their ability to broker support as advocates for their constituents in legal disputes or feuds.' §REF§Bolender, Douglas James and Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for Early Icelanders§REF§",
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            "polity": {
                "id": 115,
                "name": "IsCommw",
                "start_year": 930,
                "end_year": 1262,
                "long_name": "Icelandic Commonwealth",
                "new_name": "is_icelandic_commonwealth",
                "polity_tag": "LEGACY",
                "general_description": "Settlers arrived in Iceland in significant numbers starting from the late 9th century CE, mostly from Norway and the Norse colonies in Scotland and Ireland, bringing with them many people indigenous to the latter. However, language and culture were strongly Norse.<br>The Icelandic Commonwealth (Icel. <i>íslenska þjóðveldið</i>), occasionally called 'free state' or 'republic' (not to be confused with the modern republic) was established in 930 CE according to 12th-century historical documents. It was the first polity to cover the whole of Iceland and the smaller surrounding islands. Its territory did not change during its lifetime.<br>Icelandic society during the Commonwealth was strongly rural and never developed significant urbanization. However, centres of power, wealth and learning gradually emerged in the two bishoprics, monasteries and the homes of the greatest secular lords.<br>Iceland was mostly pagan in the early period but Christianity was accepted in 1000 and the first bishopric established in 1056. This not only brought Iceland closer to Europe but also introduced European culture and learning, and from the early 12th century the Icelanders started to produce significant works of literature in the vernacular but written in the Latin alphabet (sagas). The sagas are usually (at least recently) considered the greatest achievement of the Commonwealth and they flourished in the 13th century (both before and after 1262). However, this was also a time of war and loss of independence, making it difficult to assign it a 'peak' status.<br><i>Population and political organization</i><br>There are no reliable figures for the total population in Iceland during this period. Common estimates range from 5,000-20,000 in 930 to 40,000-70,000 at the end. The only statistic that is somewhat reliable states that the number of tax-paying farmers around 1100 AD was 4,560. The relationship between this number and the whole population is uncertain.<br>The Commonwealth functioned as a federation of smaller political units with no fixed borders, the godords/chieftaincies (<i>goðorð</i>), with alliances between households led by a chieftain (<i>goði</i> or <i>goðorðsmaður</i>). Laws were common to all and there was a common judiciary system. In Lögrétta leaders of all the godords met once a year to decide on laws, forming the most important part of the proceedings of the <i>Alþingi</i> ('general assembly'), held in summer at Thingvellir. However, there was no common executive branch of government, leaving the godords quite autonomous.<br>The godords started to congeal into territorial lordships with fixed borders in the 12th century (the first one perhaps in the late 11th century), but this process was most rapid around 1200 CE and by 1220 they covered most of Iceland. These lordships functioned as practically independent tiny polities (or 'proto-states') and proceeded to fight each other for supremacy. The ensuing civil wars (<i>Sturlungaöld</i>) ended in 1262 when the Icelanders swore allegiance to the Norwegian crown.<br><i>This description was provided by Axel Kristinsson and edited by Jenny Reddish.</i>",
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            "description": " levels.<br>\"At Cahokia there may have been no difference between the religious and political hierarchy. They were interlocked, impossible to disentangle.\"§REF§(Peregrine/Kelly 2014, 23)§REF§<br>1. Chief / Priest<br>In the Emergent Mississippian period: \"perhaps the appearance of chiefs\" §REF§(Iseminger 2010, 26)§REF§<br>\"Cahokia may have been led by a priesthood or a group of ruler-priests, but a shift to “king” does not appear to have happened at Cahokia.\"§REF§(Peregrine 2014, 31)§REF§<br>2. Sub-chief / Sub-priest?<br>\"Members of the highest social strata probably included chiefs, sub-chiefs, elders, priests, and other religious functionaries.\" §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>3. Elder / Religious functionary<br>kin group leaders §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>",
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            "polity": {
                "id": 34,
                "name": "USMisME",
                "start_year": 900,
                "end_year": 1049,
                "long_name": "Cahokia - Emergent Mississippian II",
                "new_name": "us_emergent_mississippian_2",
                "polity_tag": "LEGACY",
                "general_description": "In the Emergent Mississippian Period (900-1050 CE) the Upper Mississippi region was populated by a number of small communities. The population of the largest settlement was probably in the region of 500 people - but a population is not thought to have been resident at the site that later became Cahokia until towards the end of the period.<br>In this period the trends established in the Sponemann-Collinsville-Loyd Period continued. Maize farming was intensified and consumption increased creating higher yields and needs for storage and larger populations. §REF§ (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95) J H Blitz. E S Porth. 2013. Social complexity and the Bow in the Eastern Woodlands. Evolutionary Anthropology. 22:89-95. Wiley. §REF§  §REF§ (Milner 2006, xx) G R Milner. 2006. The Cahokia Chiefdom: The Archaeology of a Mississippian Society. University Press of Florida. Gainesville. §REF§  Paregrine and Trubitt (2014) note that Cahokia was an excellent environment for growing maize and its geographic location meant it was easily accessible from many directions. §REF§ (Peregrine/Trubitt 2014, 20) Peregrine P, Ortman S, Rupley, E. 2014. Social Complexity at Cahokia. SFI WORKING PAPER: 2014-03-004. Sante Fe Institute. §REF§  It is thought that many different groups created the initial settlement at Cahokia, bringing with them a social structure. §REF§ (Peregrine/Iseminger 2014, 27) Peregrine P, Ortman S, Rupley, E. 2014. Social Complexity at Cahokia. SFI WORKING PAPER: 2014-03-004. Sante Fe Institute. §REF§ <br>The levels of social complexity in Emergent Mississippian societies were increasing creating specialised social roles for \"community defense, organization of labor, and communal storage of maize\". Settlements now consisted of court-yard clusters and \"toward [1000 CE], the southern pattern of civic-ceremonial centers with large earthen mounds was established in many places.\" §REF§ (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95) J H Blitz. E S Porth. 2013. Social complexity and the Bow in the Eastern Woodlands. Evolutionary Anthropology. 22:89-95. Wiley. §REF§  Warfare appears to have become established. The percentage of sites that were palisaded increased throughout this period from 0.5% 800-950 CE, to 1.5% of sites 1000 CE, to 3% of sites in 1050 CE. §REF§ (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013) G R Milner. G Chaplin. E Zavodny. 2013. Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America. Evolutionary Anthropology. 22:96-102. Wiley.  §REF§  The nucleated nature of the settlements themselves may also have been a \"defensive response to bow warfare.\" §REF§ (Blitz and Porth 2013, 89-95) J H Blitz. E S Porth. 2013. Social complexity and the Bow in the Eastern Woodlands. Evolutionary Anthropology. 22:89-95. Wiley. §REF§ <br><br/>",
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            "description": " levels.<br>(2) Bishops; (1) Priests<br>'At the start of the Icelandic Commonwealth the dominant religious tradition was Nordic paganism. There is no data on the number of religious levels for Nordic paganism. Christianity (in the form of Catholicism) was introduced around 1000 CE. In 1056 CE Christianity was officially accepted as the official religion. The conversion was largely the result of a top-down decision. There is no data available on a popular Christian movement in the years before 1056 CE. The Church followed the standardized Catholic hierarchy consisting of a bishop, (deacons), and priests. Before 1056 the code should probably be 1 as we have no indications of religious hierarchy in either pagan or early Christian times.' §REF§Árni Daniel Júlíusson and Axel Kristissen 2017, pers. comm. to E. Brandl and D. Mullins§REF§ Christianity was introduced around 1000ce: 'Iceland was settled before any significant impact of Christianity in Scandinavia and the early Icelanders were pagans. Many of the Celtic people incorporated in the foundational population were probably Christian but this appears to have had little impact in the society in general. Pre-Christian religious practices are known largely by poetic and literary sources, all recorded during the Christian era, and some traces of material culture. These sources depict a rich cosmology including the Norse pantheon of gods and giants. Thor held a place of special significance based on his frequent inclusion in person and place names. The Icelanders inhabited an environment rich in supernatural entities including trolls, elves, and ghosts. Prescience and magical abilities were often attributed to individuals. In 1000 A.D., responding to a combination of internal and foreign pressure exerted by the Norwegian king, the Icelanders meeting at the General Assembly decided to adopt Christianity as the common religion. Hencefor th Iceland was officially Christian although many of the traditional beliefs remained.' §REF§Bolender, Douglas James and Beirle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for Early Icelanders§REF§ 'By the end of the 10th century, the Norwegians were forced by their king, Olaf I Tryggvason, to accept Christianity. The king also sent missionaries to Iceland who, according to 12th-century sources, were highly successful in converting the Icelanders. In 999 or 1000 the Althing made a peaceful decision that all Icelanders should become Christians. In spite of this decision, the godar retained their political role, and many of them probably built their own churches. Some were ordained, and as a group they seem to have closely controlled the organization of the new religion. Two bishoprics were established, one at Skálholt in 1056 and the other at Hólar in 1106. Literate Christian culture also transformed lay life. Codification of the law was begun in 1117-18. Later the Icelanders began to write sagas, which were to reach their pinnacle of literary achievement in the next century.' §REF§<a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://www.britannica.com/place/Iceland/Government-and-society#toc10088\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://www.britannica.com/place/Iceland/Government-and-society#toc10088</a>§REF§ During the pagan period, chiefs frequently fulfilled religious functions: 'Pagan ceremonies were varied, and the details handed down by later Christian texts are not clear. Sacrificial rites performed by household heads or chieftains played a part in the ritual. Certain rituals seeking the intercession of spirits for divination or assistance (SEIÐR) were largely performed by women. Special cultic sites or buildings (HOFS) existed but religious ceremonies were not limited to these settings. Sacrificial activities were banned shortly after the conversion and Christian ceremonies such as baptism and communion were introduced.' §REF§Bolender, Douglas James and Beirle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for Early Icelanders§REF§ The offices of priest and bishop were introduced after the formal adoption of Christianity, but chiefs and farmers remained primary actors in the performance of rituals: 'The political institution of chieftaincy (GOÐORÐ) was rooted in religious function, a priestly office of intermediary between the community and supernatural forces. It is unclear the degree to which the role of chieftains had been secularized by the occupation of Iceland, but it is likely chiefs played a continued role in local religious activities by performing rites and sacrifices. Religious activities were not exclusive to chieftains. Individuals played a variety of intermediary between the mundane and supernatural roles including private devotions, divination, and sorcery. The conversion to Christianity brought with it the institutions of priest and bishop to Iceland. Throughout much of the early period, the institutional power of the church was weak. Churches were located on privately owned farmlands and were built and maintained by the local farmers who maintained a priest or served as priest himself. The early farm churches were small and probably served little more than the household and immediate neighbors.' §REF§Bolender, Douglas James and Beirle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for Early Icelanders§REF§ The few Icelandic bishops of the Commonwealth period resembled chiefs in their reliance on additional household labour: 'Although I would prefer to flout the conventional wisdom that slavery had all but died out by the eleventh century (Karras 1988a), the household laborers that replaced them in the Commonwealth period were numerous. When Þórðr kakali returns to Iceland Kolbeinn ungi immediately sends out thirty húsmenn to look for him in Eyjafjörðr. Þorsteinn Cod-biter had sixty free men in his household (Eyrbyggja saga, ÍF 4, ch. 11); Guðmundr the Mighty had one hundred (Brennu-Njáls saga, ÍF 12, ch. 113); Sörla þáttr (Ljósvetninga saga), ÍF 10, ch. 1:109); Bishop Páll's household at Skálholt (ca 1200) had seventy to eighty residents, and a household with eighty has been discussed above. It is probably not unfair to say that by the Commonwealth period the majority of the wealth of great bœndur and goðar was the product of teams of house-men and women.' §REF§Samson, Ross 1992. “Goðar: Democrats Of Despots?”, 179§REF§ The interests of the church and the 'secular' elites were in conflict during the phase of intensified internal strife that preceded the Norwegian period: 'As I have mentioned earlier, the era of the Sturlungs was a period bordering on civil war, in which the Sturlunga family was central. What kinds of sentiments would the author of the Eyrbyggja saga, who must have been close to the Sturlungs, be likely to express? Although some of the Sturlung family's most prominent members in Norway had solemnly obliged themselves to further the king's cause, they nevertheless tended to forget the vow when they returned to Iceland. As also was the case with other chieftains, they preferred to act independently of the king. Some of the Sturlungs clearly harbored dreams of being Icelandic kings; others preferred a society governed by an oligarchy of Icelandic [Page 144] chieftains. In both cases sentiments would have been against the Norwegian king's growing influence in Iceland. The Sturlungs were therefore likely to express anti-royal feelings, even though they might admire the king's person. As the aristocracy was competing with the Church, we may also assume that the Sturlungs were against the ascending dominance of the Church in juridical, economic, and moral matters (Hastrup 1985, ch. 7). Two of the Sturlungs had in fact been instrumental in removing bishop Ari Guðmundsson from his bishopric in northern Iceland in 1222 (ST 1:287-298). As representatives of the dominant class, the Sturlungs were also likely to express contempt towards the lower classes. We find all these structurally determined resentments in Eyrbyggja saga.' §REF§Odner, Knut 1992. “Þógunna’S Testament: A Myth For Moral Contemplation And Social Apathy”, 143§REF§ The bishops received seats in the parliament of the general assembly: 'One of the peculiarities of early Iceland was the lack of formal state institutions. The legislature, extensive law code, and judicial system of local and higher courts left prosecution and the enforcement of settlements in the hands of individuals. From an early date, the country was divided into Quarters. Each quarter constituted a broad community with three assemblies (ÞINGS), with the exception of the Northern Quarter that had four, and a system of local courts. Once a year the General Assembly (ALÞINGI) met in the southwest of Iceland. Judicial cases that could not be resolved in local quarters were heard and the parliament (LÖGRÉTTA) convened. The parliament was the principal legislative institution and was responsible for the introduction and maintanence of law. It consisted of chieftains (GOÐAR) from the local quarters. After the conversion to Christianity, the two Icelandic bishops were each given a seat in the parliament. The institution of chieftaincy (GOÐORÐ) was the main locus of political leadership in the country. Originally there were 36 but this number was later expanded. Chieftaincies themselves were a form of property and could be alienated and even divided among multiple individuals. In some cases, individuals asserted power beyond the scope of the political system and controlled multiple chieftaincies. All independent farmers had to be affiliated with a chieftain, although they could choose among any of the chieftains in their quarter and could switch allegiances if they did not feel that their needs were being met. Other than a seat on the parliament, chieftains had few rights beyond those of other independent farmers and few institutional means of dominating others. Chieftains derived much of their authority from their ability to broker support as advocates for their constituents in legal disputes or feuds.' §REF§Bolender, Douglas James and Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for Early Icelanders§REF§",
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                "general_description": "Settlers arrived in Iceland in significant numbers starting from the late 9th century CE, mostly from Norway and the Norse colonies in Scotland and Ireland, bringing with them many people indigenous to the latter. However, language and culture were strongly Norse.<br>The Icelandic Commonwealth (Icel. <i>íslenska þjóðveldið</i>), occasionally called 'free state' or 'republic' (not to be confused with the modern republic) was established in 930 CE according to 12th-century historical documents. It was the first polity to cover the whole of Iceland and the smaller surrounding islands. Its territory did not change during its lifetime.<br>Icelandic society during the Commonwealth was strongly rural and never developed significant urbanization. However, centres of power, wealth and learning gradually emerged in the two bishoprics, monasteries and the homes of the greatest secular lords.<br>Iceland was mostly pagan in the early period but Christianity was accepted in 1000 and the first bishopric established in 1056. This not only brought Iceland closer to Europe but also introduced European culture and learning, and from the early 12th century the Icelanders started to produce significant works of literature in the vernacular but written in the Latin alphabet (sagas). The sagas are usually (at least recently) considered the greatest achievement of the Commonwealth and they flourished in the 13th century (both before and after 1262). However, this was also a time of war and loss of independence, making it difficult to assign it a 'peak' status.<br><i>Population and political organization</i><br>There are no reliable figures for the total population in Iceland during this period. Common estimates range from 5,000-20,000 in 930 to 40,000-70,000 at the end. The only statistic that is somewhat reliable states that the number of tax-paying farmers around 1100 AD was 4,560. The relationship between this number and the whole population is uncertain.<br>The Commonwealth functioned as a federation of smaller political units with no fixed borders, the godords/chieftaincies (<i>goðorð</i>), with alliances between households led by a chieftain (<i>goði</i> or <i>goðorðsmaður</i>). Laws were common to all and there was a common judiciary system. In Lögrétta leaders of all the godords met once a year to decide on laws, forming the most important part of the proceedings of the <i>Alþingi</i> ('general assembly'), held in summer at Thingvellir. However, there was no common executive branch of government, leaving the godords quite autonomous.<br>The godords started to congeal into territorial lordships with fixed borders in the 12th century (the first one perhaps in the late 11th century), but this process was most rapid around 1200 CE and by 1220 they covered most of Iceland. These lordships functioned as practically independent tiny polities (or 'proto-states') and proceeded to fight each other for supremacy. The ensuing civil wars (<i>Sturlungaöld</i>) ended in 1262 when the Icelanders swore allegiance to the Norwegian crown.<br><i>This description was provided by Axel Kristinsson and edited by Jenny Reddish.</i>",
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                "id": 443,
                "name": "MnMongL",
                "start_year": 1368,
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                "general_description": "After the Yuan dynasty collapsed in 1368, Toghon Temur, its last emperor retired with his army to Mongolia, where he established a new state, with Karakorum as its capital, that extended from Manchuria to Kyrgyzstan between the Great Wall of China and Lake Baikal. §REF§ (Ishjamts 2003, 210-211) §REF§  The new Mongolian polity was actually a loose alliance of six tribal confederations or tümens united under a common Khan, and the Khalkhas were one of these confederations. The Khalkhas were themselves divided into the Northern and Southern Khalkhas, and the Northern Khalkhas were divided into left-flank and right-flank Khalkhas For much of their history, the Khalkhas fought against the neighbouring Oirat confederation, with only a few decades' truce in the first half of the seventeenth century. In 1662, conflict flared up between the left-flank and right-flank Khalkhas, but it was the Oirats' invasion under Zungharian leadership that led to the fall of the Khalkha confederacy, as it pushed the Khalkhas to request Beijing's protection, which the Chinese emperor granted in 1691, in exchange for political submission. §REF§ (Atwood 2004, 299-300) §REF§ <br><i>Population and political organization</i><br>Like other Mongol confederacies, the Khalkhas were organised in a confederacy ruled by its own ruler, who however deferred to the overarching khan.  §REF§ (Ishjamts 2003, 213) §REF§ <br>In the 1630s, the Khalkhas, along with the Chahars, comprised 19,580 families; §REF§ (Perdue 2005, 125) §REF§  estimating 3-8 people per family results in a figure of between 58,740 and 156,640 people, which, halved to exclude the Chahars, falls to between 30,000 and 80,000.<br><br/>",
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                "general_description": "After the Yuan dynasty collapsed in 1368, Toghon Temur, its last emperor retired with his army to Mongolia, where he established a new state, with Karakorum as its capital, that extended from Manchuria to Kyrgyzstan between the Great Wall of China and Lake Baikal. §REF§ (Ishjamts 2003, 210-211) §REF§  The new Mongolian polity was actually a loose alliance of six tribal confederations or tümens united under a common Khan, and the Khalkhas were one of these confederations. The Khalkhas were themselves divided into the Northern and Southern Khalkhas, and the Northern Khalkhas were divided into left-flank and right-flank Khalkhas For much of their history, the Khalkhas fought against the neighbouring Oirat confederation, with only a few decades' truce in the first half of the seventeenth century. In 1662, conflict flared up between the left-flank and right-flank Khalkhas, but it was the Oirats' invasion under Zungharian leadership that led to the fall of the Khalkha confederacy, as it pushed the Khalkhas to request Beijing's protection, which the Chinese emperor granted in 1691, in exchange for political submission. §REF§ (Atwood 2004, 299-300) §REF§ <br><i>Population and political organization</i><br>Like other Mongol confederacies, the Khalkhas were organised in a confederacy ruled by its own ruler, who however deferred to the overarching khan.  §REF§ (Ishjamts 2003, 213) §REF§ <br>In the 1630s, the Khalkhas, along with the Chahars, comprised 19,580 families; §REF§ (Perdue 2005, 125) §REF§  estimating 3-8 people per family results in a figure of between 58,740 and 156,640 people, which, halved to exclude the Chahars, falls to between 30,000 and 80,000.<br><br/>",
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            "comment": null,
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        {
            "id": 308,
            "year_from": 1716,
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            "description": ": 1. Pope\r\n:: 2. Cardinal\r\n::: 3. Archbishops\r\n:::: 4. Bishops\r\n::::: 5. Priests\r\n:::::: 6. Abbots\r\n::::::: 7. Monks\r\n:::::::: 8. Friars\r\n::::::::: 9. Nuns\r\n:::::::::: 10. Missionaries\r\n\r\n“In Solorzano’s argument, it was crucial that, among many other ceremonies, the viceroys continued to exercise the right to be received under a canopy when they first arrived in their dominions. Bishops and archbishop should also meet them on the steps in front of cathedrals and churches.”<ref>(Eissa-Barroso 2017: 42) Eissa-Barroso, Francisco A. 2017. The Spanish Monarchy and the Creation of the Viceroyalty of New Granada (1717–1739). Leiden: Brill. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/XNET89MW</ref> “‘Building bridges, making roads’ is a ‘pious work’ as good as any other, commented Ponz at the end  of the Old Regime, as he gave reference after reference to bishops setting up workshops, distributing spindles, wool and flax to the poor. He cited with approval the letter of the archbishop of Toledo to the priests of his diocese in 1779, urging them to take an interest in the material welfare of their parishioners. His great friend Jovellanos, in his treatise of 1795 on economic reform, doubted whether the church needed so many friars (or chantry priests) as in the Middle Ages.”<ref>(Casey 2002: 248) Casey, James. 2002. Early Modern Spain: A Social History. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/2SNTRSWT</ref> “This state of affairs, however, did not last long. Slowly, but surely, Alberoni gained the confidence of the new queen and, through her, that of the king. By the end of 1716, the abbot, soon to be cardinal, had succeeded in replacing Giudice as the leading figure of a new government.”<ref>(Eissa-Barroso 2017: 114) Eissa-Barroso, Francisco A. 2017. The Spanish Monarchy and the Creation of the Viceroyalty of New Granada (1717–1739). Leiden: Brill. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/XNET89MW</ref> “Clearly, the church was on the defensive during the Bourbon eighteenth century, but the extent of its decline should not be exaggerated. Efforts to reduce the sheer number of clergy got nowhere, so that in 1788 Spain had 68,000 monks, 33,000 nuns, and 88,000 secular clergy, or a total of about 200,000 ecclesiastics in a population of 10,000,000, representing a percent¬ age two or three times of that in France, for example.”<ref>(Bergamini 1974: 92) Bergamini, John D. 1974. The Spanish Bourbons: The History of a Tenacious Dynasty. New York: G. P Putnam’s Sons. https://archive.org/details/spanishbourbons00john. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/5A2HNKTF</ref>",
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