A viewset for viewing and editing Governmental Obligations for Religious Groups to Apply for Official Recognitions.

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                "name": "GrCrNeo",
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                "long_name": "Neolithic Crete",
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                "polity_tag": "LEGACY",
                "general_description": "The Cretan Neolithic period spans the four millennia between around 7000 and 3000 BCE. §REF§ (Tomkins 2007) Tomkins, P. 2007. \"Neolithic: Strata IX-VIII, VII-VIB, VIA-V, IV, IIIB, IIIA, IIA and IC Groups.\" In Knossos Pottery Handbook: Neolithic and Bronze Age (Minoan), edited by N. Momigliano, 9-39. British School at Athens Studies 14. London: British School at Athens. Seshat URL: <a class=\"external free\" href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/SRWVHUTT\" rel=\"nofollow\">https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/SRWVHUTT</a>. §REF§  §REF§ (Tomkins 2008) Tomkins, Peter D. 2008. \"Time, Space and the Reinvention of the Cretan Neolithic.\" In Escaping the Labyrinth: The Cretan Neolithic in Context, edited by Valasia Isaakidou and Peter D. Tomkins, 21-49. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Seshat URL: <a class=\"external free\" href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/P6XBRAKC\" rel=\"nofollow\">https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/P6XBRAKC</a>. §REF§  Until archaeological work in 2008‒2009 unearthed evidence for hominin occupation on the island as early as 130,000 years ago (in the Lower Palaeolithic), it was believed that the Neolithic farmers whose settlements appear from c. 7000 BCE were the first people to colonize Crete. §REF§ (Strasser et al. 2010, 145-46) Strasser, Thomas F., Eleni Panagopoulou, Curtis N. Runnels, Priscilla M. Murray, Nicholas Thompson, Panayiotis Karkanas, Floyd W. McCoy, and Karl W. Wegmann. 2010. \"Stone Age Seafaring in the Mediterranean: Evidence from the Plakias Region for Lower Palaeolithic and Mesolithic Habitation of Crete.\" Hesperia 79 (2): 145-90. Seshat URL: <a class=\"external free\" href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/VR7DEQG3\" rel=\"nofollow\">https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/VR7DEQG3</a>. §REF§  Nevertheless, one recent genetic study suggests that the Neolithic Cretan population was composed chiefly of newcomers rather than descendants of the island's Mesolithic inhabitants. §REF§ (Fernández et al. 2014) Fernández, Eva, Alejandro Pérez-Pérez, Cristina Gamba, Eva Prats, Pedro Cuesta, Josep Anfruns, Miquel Molist, Eduardo Arroyo-Pardo, and Daniel Turbón. 2014. \"Ancient DNA Analysis of 8000 B.C. Near Eastern Farmers Supports an Early Neolithic Pioneer Maritime Colonization of Mainland Europe through Cyprus and the Aegean Islands.\" PLoS Genetics 10 (6): e1004401. Seshat URL: <a class=\"external free\" href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/9TJ7CEP6\" rel=\"nofollow\">https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/9TJ7CEP6</a>. §REF§  They likely sailed from southwestern Asia, §REF§ (Fernández et al. 2014) Fernández, Eva, Alejandro Pérez-Pérez, Cristina Gamba, Eva Prats, Pedro Cuesta, Josep Anfruns, Miquel Molist, Eduardo Arroyo-Pardo, and Daniel Turbón. 2014. \"Ancient DNA Analysis of 8000 B.C. Near Eastern Farmers Supports an Early Neolithic Pioneer Maritime Colonization of Mainland Europe through Cyprus and the Aegean Islands.\" PLoS Genetics 10 (6): e1004401. Seshat URL: <a class=\"external free\" href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/9TJ7CEP6\" rel=\"nofollow\">https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/9TJ7CEP6</a>. §REF§  bringing a characteristic agricultural package of cattle, pigs, sheep, goats, bread wheat and other domesticated food plants. §REF§ (Broodbank and Strasser 1991, 236) Broodbank, Cyprian, and Thomas F. Strasser. 1991. \"Migrant Farmers and the Neolithic Colonization of Crete.\" Antiquity 65 (247): 233-45. Seshat URL: <a class=\"external free\" href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/RVNBC48R\" rel=\"nofollow\">https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/RVNBC48R</a>. §REF§ ",
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            "description": "\"African Islam, at least south of the Sahara, has been strongly influenced by Sufism. This has made it much more eclectic, flexible, and less vulnerable, if not wholly immune, to external stridency than might otherwise have been the case. Although there has been and continues to be disagreement about the precise nature of Sufi influence in Africa, the emphasis placed by Sufism historically on personal piety and exemplary behaviour, in the words of Knut Vikor, has been rather more important than ‘its external functions as a focus for political combat and jihad’.70 In other words, African Muslims have been historically less responsive to the call to arms than others of the Faith. Second, and more directly pertinent to north-east Africa, it has been suggested that Somali ‘xenophobia’ has likewise rendered Islam in that area comparatively immune to external influence. This goes some way to explaining what Iqbal Jhazbhay terms ‘the relative inter-faith détente that has existed between Christian and Islamic spheres of influence in the Horn of Africa’. Somali Islam ‘appears to be solidly located within a tradition of regional, geo-cultural, peaceful co-existence between Christianity, Islam and indigenous animistic tendencies’.\" §REF§ (Reid 2011, 59) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/CZB48WKQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: CZB48WKQ </b></a>§REF§",
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                "id": 640,
                "name": "so_habr_yunis",
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                "long_name": "Habr Yunis",
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                "general_description": "The Habr Yunis Sultanate was originally part of the Isaaq Sultanate or clan group that began roughly around the fourteenth century with the arrival of Sheikh Isaq, (the founder of the Isaaq Somali people) from the Arabian Peninsula. §REF§ (Lewis 2002, 22-23) Lewis, Ioan M. 2002. A Modern History of the Somali: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa. Athens: Ohio University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/KHB7VSJK/collection\">https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/KHB7VSJK/collection</a>  §REF§  By the mid-nineteenth century along with Habr Awal and Habr Jeclo, Habr Yunis broke away from the Isaaq to create its own sultanate.  The Habr Yunis controlled trade around the Zeila and Berbera ports on the northwest Somali coast. §REF§ (Bridges 1986, 682-683) Bridges, Roy. 1986. ‘The Visit of Frederick Forbes to the Somali Coast in 1833.’ The International Journal of African Historical Studies. Vol. 19:4. Pp 679-691. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/G3PNH843/collection\">https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/G3PNH843/collection</a>  §REF§ By the late nineteenth century, Habr Yunis was absorbed into British Somaliland officially ending the sultanate. §REF§ (Albaharna et. al. 1986, 88) Albaharna, Husain M. 1986. The Legal Status of the Arabian Gulf States: A Study of Their Treaty Relations and Their International Problems. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/G6NP7HE4/collection\">https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/G6NP7HE4/collection</a>  §REF§",
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            "description": "“Many scholars have felt impelled to emphasise the toleration of different sects and denominations evinced by Indian rulers. [...] It seems fairly clear that, traditionally in India, people readily transferred or distributed their allegiance between different sects, seeing no logical inconsistency in approaching different gods for different purposes, and that this apparently syncretic style of religious behaviour encouraged a relaxed attitude to what others did as well; evidently, too, rulers generally extended their acceptance of this practice. [...] Much of the evidence, then, suggests that all the diverse religious sects were freely tolerated by a prevailing world view that was ready to acknowledge a certain common validity. Yet it is unlikely that such a view could rise to the status of cultural orthodoxy without friction. Although references to religious wars and persecutions are conspicuously absent from the historical record of ancient India, this does not rule out lesser types of conflict, and some scholars believe that there is indeed evidence of localised disagreement and resentment. [...] For example, the Arthaśāstra gratuitously advises the agents of a king to help themselves, on behalf of the ruler, to the property of groups on the fringes of society who might not have powerful friends. Moreover, there are hints in scattered sources that the followers of orthodox Brahman teachers at times ganged up against Buddhist or Jain establishments that had lost their former patronage. [...] Still, hard evidence of religious persecution in these ancient times is scattered and fragmentary. In the absence of more solid evidence, the view has gained ground that pre-modern India had a cultural unity that precluded communal conflict, but we think that this picture is not sufficiently nuanced. Doniger’s perception that there was widespread persecution of non-Brahmans during the first millennium may fairly represent the situation that arose at certain times, but we cannot be at all sure how widespread the phenomenon was, or at what times it was most marked.//\"Still, we should note that, simply as a matter of practical politics, there was at least one factor that would certainly have acted to limit the ferocity of any sectarian persecutions – the absence of a clear and powerful advantage at all times for kings in identifying themselves with the Brahman interest. No clear dividing line existed, in fact, between ruling families that were of ‘genuine’ ‘Aryan’ descent, and the rest; the ruling elite presided over heterogeneous populations within which Brahmanism, as an agent of Sanskritisation and as a common cultural denominator, was slowly feeling its way towards a new role, directed towards shaping an inclusive syncretism. Thus, the Brahmanical revival could not afford to go too far. Especially, it had to be very wary of attacking the prudent preference of kings for policies that had the capacity to attract wide support among the multiple disparate groups that constituted the citizenry. The Brahmans had to make do with whatever qualified honour they could find within the frame of an eclectic culture. Such structural constraints are likely to have kept them from striking at their enemies too wantonly.”§REF§(Copland, Mabbett, Roy, Brittlebank and Bowles 2012: 74-77) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ATSZ6QBU\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ATSZ6QBU </b></a>§REF§",
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            "description": "“Many scholars have felt impelled to emphasise the toleration of different sects and denominations evinced by Indian rulers. [...] It seems fairly clear that, traditionally in India, people readily transferred or distributed their allegiance between different sects, seeing no logical inconsistency in approaching different gods for different purposes, and that this apparently syncretic style of religious behaviour encouraged a relaxed attitude to what others did as well; evidently, too, rulers generally extended their acceptance of this practice. [...] Much of the evidence, then, suggests that all the diverse religious sects were freely tolerated by a prevailing world view that was ready to acknowledge a certain common validity. Yet it is unlikely that such a view could rise to the status of cultural orthodoxy without friction. Although references to religious wars and persecutions are conspicuously absent from the historical record of ancient India, this does not rule out lesser types of conflict, and some scholars believe that there is indeed evidence of localised disagreement and resentment. [...] For example, the Arthaśāstra gratuitously advises the agents of a king to help themselves, on behalf of the ruler, to the property of groups on the fringes of society who might not have powerful friends. Moreover, there are hints in scattered sources that the followers of orthodox Brahman teachers at times ganged up against Buddhist or Jain establishments that had lost their former patronage. [...] Still, hard evidence of religious persecution in these ancient times is scattered and fragmentary. In the absence of more solid evidence, the view has gained ground that pre-modern India had a cultural unity that precluded communal conflict, but we think that this picture is not sufficiently nuanced. Doniger’s perception that there was widespread persecution of non-Brahmans during the first millennium may fairly represent the situation that arose at certain times, but we cannot be at all sure how widespread the phenomenon was, or at what times it was most marked.//\"Still, we should note that, simply as a matter of practical politics, there was at least one factor that would certainly have acted to limit the ferocity of any sectarian persecutions – the absence of a clear and powerful advantage at all times for kings in identifying themselves with the Brahman interest. No clear dividing line existed, in fact, between ruling families that were of ‘genuine’ ‘Aryan’ descent, and the rest; the ruling elite presided over heterogeneous populations within which Brahmanism, as an agent of Sanskritisation and as a common cultural denominator, was slowly feeling its way towards a new role, directed towards shaping an inclusive syncretism. Thus, the Brahmanical revival could not afford to go too far. Especially, it had to be very wary of attacking the prudent preference of kings for policies that had the capacity to attract wide support among the multiple disparate groups that constituted the citizenry. The Brahmans had to make do with whatever qualified honour they could find within the frame of an eclectic culture. Such structural constraints are likely to have kept them from striking at their enemies too wantonly.”§REF§(Copland, Mabbett, Roy, Brittlebank and Bowles 2012: 74-77) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ATSZ6QBU\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ATSZ6QBU </b></a>§REF§",
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                "name": "in_gurjara_pratihara_dyn",
                "start_year": 730,
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                "long_name": "Gurjar-Pratihara Dynasty",
                "new_name": "in_gurjara_pratihara_dyn",
                "polity_tag": "LEGACY",
                "general_description": "The polity of Gurjar ran from c. 730 to 1030 CE with its territory spanning approximately 1 million square kilometres; roughly corresponding to a slightly smaller area than the states of Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar combined. §REF§ (Keay 2000: 198) Seshat URL: <a class=\"external free\" href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/HSHAKZ3X\" rel=\"nofollow\">https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/HSHAKZ3X</a>. §REF§ <br>There has been no information could be found in the sources consulted regarding the polity's overall population, but the imperial capital of Kanauj is thought to have had a population of 80,000 people at its peak in 810 - 950 CE.",
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            "description": "“From 1203 C.E. to 1757 C.E. the Muslims ruled Bengal. During this period the rulers in Bengal generally were quite respectful towards the people of other faiths.” §REF§ Islam, K. N. (2011). Historical Overview of Religious Pluralism in Bengal. Bangladesh E-Journal of Sociology, 8(1), 26–33, 26. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/I7HSKHZ2\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: I7HSKHZ2 </b></a> §REF§",
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            "id": 193,
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            "description": "“Many scholars have felt impelled to emphasise the toleration of different sects and denominations evinced by Indian rulers. [...] It seems fairly clear that, traditionally in India, people readily transferred or distributed their allegiance between different sects, seeing no logical inconsistency in approaching different gods for different purposes, and that this apparently syncretic style of religious behaviour encouraged a relaxed attitude to what others did as well; evidently, too, rulers generally extended their acceptance of this practice. [...] Much of the evidence, then, suggests that all the diverse religious sects were freely tolerated by a prevailing world view that was ready to acknowledge a certain common validity. Yet it is unlikely that such a view could rise to the status of cultural orthodoxy without friction. Although references to religious wars and persecutions are conspicuously absent from the historical record of ancient India, this does not rule out lesser types of conflict, and some scholars believe that there is indeed evidence of localised disagreement and resentment. [...] For example, the Arthaśāstra gratuitously advises the agents of a king to help themselves, on behalf of the ruler, to the property of groups on the fringes of society who might not have powerful friends. Moreover, there are hints in scattered sources that the followers of orthodox Brahman teachers at times ganged up against Buddhist or Jain establishments that had lost their former patronage. [...] Still, hard evidence of religious persecution in these ancient times is scattered and fragmentary. In the absence of more solid evidence, the view has gained ground that pre-modern India had a cultural unity that precluded communal conflict, but we think that this picture is not sufficiently nuanced. Doniger’s perception that there was widespread persecution of non-Brahmans during the first millennium may fairly represent the situation that arose at certain times, but we cannot be at all sure how widespread the phenomenon was, or at what times it was most marked.//\"Still, we should note that, simply as a matter of practical politics, there was at least one factor that would certainly have acted to limit the ferocity of any sectarian persecutions – the absence of a clear and powerful advantage at all times for kings in identifying themselves with the Brahman interest. No clear dividing line existed, in fact, between ruling families that were of ‘genuine’ ‘Aryan’ descent, and the rest; the ruling elite presided over heterogeneous populations within which Brahmanism, as an agent of Sanskritisation and as a common cultural denominator, was slowly feeling its way towards a new role, directed towards shaping an inclusive syncretism. Thus, the Brahmanical revival could not afford to go too far. Especially, it had to be very wary of attacking the prudent preference of kings for policies that had the capacity to attract wide support among the multiple disparate groups that constituted the citizenry. The Brahmans had to make do with whatever qualified honour they could find within the frame of an eclectic culture. Such structural constraints are likely to have kept them from striking at their enemies too wantonly.”§REF§(Copland, Mabbett, Roy, Brittlebank and Bowles 2012: 74-77) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ATSZ6QBU\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ATSZ6QBU </b></a>§REF§The following quote suggests that there was a degree of religious tolerance. “It may be mentioned that Assam, in its formative period, witnessed the prevalence of several religions such as Vaisnavism, Saktism, Saivism and Buddhism. The kings of Early Assam claimed themselves to be upholding of the varnasramadharma, and the Brahmans played a crucial role in legitimizing there position.” §REF§ (Laisram 2019: 5) Laisram, Rena. 2019. Religion in Early Assam: An Archaeological History. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Seshat URL: §REF§",
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            "id": 198,
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            "description": "“Most Company officials believed that the happiness of India would best be safeguarded by a policy of non-interference with Indian religions. [...] This meant leaving Indian religions alone. However, [the leadership of the East India Company] also believed that it was important to uphold Christianity.[…]  Fearing disaffection amongst the sepoys, few Company officials were prepared to interfere with Indian religions.” §REF§ (Carson 2012, 21,23) Carson, Penelope 2012. The East India Company and Religion, 1698-1858 (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell and Brewer Press). Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/USXTQFKH\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: USXTQFKH </b></a> §REF§",
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                "start_year": 1757,
                "end_year": 1858,
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            "id": 201,
            "year_from": null,
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            "description": "“Many scholars have felt impelled to emphasise the toleration of different sects and denominations evinced by Indian rulers. [...] It seems fairly clear that, traditionally in India, people readily transferred or distributed their allegiance between different sects, seeing no logical inconsistency in approaching different gods for different purposes, and that this apparently syncretic style of religious behaviour encouraged a relaxed attitude to what others did as well; evidently, too, rulers generally extended their acceptance of this practice. [...] Much of the evidence, then, suggests that all the diverse religious sects were freely tolerated by a prevailing world view that was ready to acknowledge a certain common validity. Yet it is unlikely that such a view could rise to the status of cultural orthodoxy without friction. Although references to religious wars and persecutions are conspicuously absent from the historical record of ancient India, this does not rule out lesser types of conflict, and some scholars believe that there is indeed evidence of localised disagreement and resentment. [...] For example, the Arthaśāstra gratuitously advises the agents of a king to help themselves, on behalf of the ruler, to the property of groups on the fringes of society who might not have powerful friends. Moreover, there are hints in scattered sources that the followers of orthodox Brahman teachers at times ganged up against Buddhist or Jain establishments that had lost their former patronage. [...] Still, hard evidence of religious persecution in these ancient times is scattered and fragmentary. In the absence of more solid evidence, the view has gained ground that pre-modern India had a cultural unity that precluded communal conflict, but we think that this picture is not sufficiently nuanced. Doniger’s perception that there was widespread persecution of non-Brahmans during the first millennium may fairly represent the situation that arose at certain times, but we cannot be at all sure how widespread the phenomenon was, or at what times it was most marked.//\"Still, we should note that, simply as a matter of practical politics, there was at least one factor that would certainly have acted to limit the ferocity of any sectarian persecutions – the absence of a clear and powerful advantage at all times for kings in identifying themselves with the Brahman interest. No clear dividing line existed, in fact, between ruling families that were of ‘genuine’ ‘Aryan’ descent, and the rest; the ruling elite presided over heterogeneous populations within which Brahmanism, as an agent of Sanskritisation and as a common cultural denominator, was slowly feeling its way towards a new role, directed towards shaping an inclusive syncretism. Thus, the Brahmanical revival could not afford to go too far. Especially, it had to be very wary of attacking the prudent preference of kings for policies that had the capacity to attract wide support among the multiple disparate groups that constituted the citizenry. The Brahmans had to make do with whatever qualified honour they could find within the frame of an eclectic culture. Such structural constraints are likely to have kept them from striking at their enemies too wantonly.”§REF§(Copland, Mabbett, Roy, Brittlebank and Bowles 2012: 74-77) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ATSZ6QBU\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ATSZ6QBU </b></a>§REF§",
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        {
            "id": 4,
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            "description": "‘‘‘“Patronage by the royal court of religious institutions and foundations is one of the hallmarks of the development of India under the rule of the Gupta and Vākātaka kings (4th- 5th centuries). This patronage was extended also to religious movements other than the king's own persuasion. The evolving culture of religious tolerance and enthusiasm is apparent in the temple monuments of the time.” §REF§ (Bakker 2010: 461) Bakker, Hans. October 2010. Royal Patronage and Religious Tolerance: The Formative Period of Gupta-Vakataka Culture. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Third Series. Vol. 20. No. 4. pp.461-475. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/U93I6H8E\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: U93I6H8E </b></a> §REF§“The kings of the eastern Vakatakas were either Mahesvaras or Bhagavatas. The Vatsagulma kings call themselves Dharmamaharaja, without being more explicit about their religious orientation. They were, at least indirectly, great patrons of the Buddhist sangha, though we do not possess indications that they themselves were Buddhists.The title Dharmamaharaja may therefore be interpreted as a general one indicating an oecumenical attitude towards the religions represented in their kingdom.” §REF§ (Bakker 1997: 58) Bakker, Hans. 1997. The Vākāṭakas: an essay in Hindu iconology. Groningen: E. Forsten. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/V7U5GXKR\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: V7U5GXKR </b></a> §REF§ NB the following quote refers to the Gupta-Vakataka age. “The followers of the different religions, however, lived in harmony and there was complete toleration. Hindu kings endowed Buddhist monasteries. Buddhist kings performed Hindu rituals. In the same family some members followed the Buddhist, and some the Vedic religion.” §REF§ (Majumbar and Altekar 1946, 9) Majumdar, Ramesh Chandra. Altekar, Anant Sadashiv. (1949) 1986. Vakataka - Gupta Age Circa 200-550 A.D. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8X6M5DJZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8X6M5DJZ </b></a> §REF§",
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            "polity": {
                "id": 90,
                "name": "InVakat",
                "start_year": 255,
                "end_year": 550,
                "long_name": "Vakataka Kingdom",
                "new_name": "in_vakataka_k",
                "polity_tag": "LEGACY",
                "general_description": "The Vakataka dynasty ruled over the central Indian region of Vidarbha and surrounding areas between the 3rd and 6th centuries CE. This polity was founded by King Vindhyasakti in around 255 CE, reached its zenith around 510, and had been replaced by the Chalukya polity by the mid-6th century. §REF§ (Majumbar and Altekar 1946, 44, 123) Ramesh Chandra Majumdar and Anant Sadashiv Altekar. 1986. <i>Vakataka - Gupta Age circa 200-550 A.D.</i> Benares: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers. §REF§  The Vakataka period was characterized by the establishment of a centrally ruling authority, agrarian expansion, and the revival of Hinduism, aided by an increase in royal land grants assigned for religious purposes and the construction of new temples. §REF§ (Sawant 2009) Reshma Sawant. 2008. 'State Formation Process in the Vidarbha during the Vakataka Period'. <i>Bulletin of the Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute</i> 68-69: 137-62. §REF§ <br><i>Population and political organization</i><br>The Vakataka polity was ruled by a king. §REF§ (Sawant 2009, 145) Reshma Sawant. 2008. 'State Formation Process in the Vidarbha during the Vakataka Period'. <i>Bulletin of the Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute</i> 68-69: 137-62. §REF§  Inscriptions suggest that he was aided at court by ministers and administrative personnel, including revenue officers, and in the provinces by a hierarchy of provincial and local authorities. §REF§ (Sawant 2009) Reshma Sawant. 2008. 'State Formation Process in the Vidarbha during the Vakataka Period'. <i>Bulletin of the Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute</i> 68-69: 137-62. §REF§ <br>No population estimates for this period could be found in the specialist literature.",
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